Border Wars of the American Revolution by William L. Stone

CHAPTER IX.
HAVING failed in their efforts to extinguish the rebellion during the preceding year, the government of the parent country resolved to put forth still greater energies during the present. For this purpose, a powerful force was organized in Canada, the command of which was transferred from Sir Guy Carleton-the ablest British general, by-the-way, at that time or subsequently in America-and conferred upon General Burgoyne, an officer, also, of unquestioned merit, whose spirit of enterprise and thirst for military glory could not be exceeded. It was the aim of this Northern army to open a communication between Canada and New-York, thus cutting off New-England, which the ministry justly considered the hotbed of the Revolution, from all communication with the Middle States; while Sir William Howe, with an army of 16,000 men, was to withdraw from New-Jersey, and move round simultaneously to the Chesapeake, and take possession of the Middle States; and thus, as it was hoped, compel the whole to return to their allegiance.

Doubts, however, for several months hung over the intentions of the enemy, whose designs were so skilfully veiled as for a long time almost to paralyze the exertions of the Americans. The retreat of Carleton from Lake Champlain, the preceding autumn, even after the lake was in his power and Crown Point in his possession, suggested a doubt whether a serious invasion was meditated from that quarter. On the contrary, the impression was general that the expedition of Burgoyne was destined against Boston; and that Sir William Howe, whose movements in New-Jersey were enigmatical to perplexity, was to co-operate in an effort to resubjugate New-England. The British government itself, as it is believed, contributed to the distractions of Congress and the American commander, by causing reports to be circulated that Boston was to be the next point of attack. Arthur Lee, being then in France, was thus confidentially advised, and lost no time in communicating such supposed intention to the Secret Committee of Congress, who, in turn, gave the like information to the commander-in-chief, and also to the Legislature of Massachusetts. The consequence of these distractions was unfortunate for the Americans. Less attention was paid to preparations for the defence of the North than otherwise would have been given; while Massachusetts, apprehending that all her strength would be required for her own defence, set about raising troops for her own protection, at the expense of the main army, from which its quota of recruits was withheld.
Before the close of June, however, the designs of the enemy in regard to the North became obvious, A person from Canada, arrested as a spy, and brought before General Schuyler, stated, on his examination, "that the British forces were approaching St. John's, and were to advance through Lake Champlain under General Burgoyne; and also that a detachment of British troops, Canadians, and Indians, was to penetrate the country by the way of Oswego and the Valley of the Mohawk. He added many particulars respecting the strength and arrangements of the British army, which turned out in the end to be nearly accurate, but of which no intelligence had before been obtained, or by many anticipated."
The movements of General Howe were still equivocal, even after Burgoyne had commenced his descent upon the North, thus adding to the embarrassments of Washington. And in order the more certainly to mislead the American commander as to his real intentions, General Howe wrote a feigned despatch to Burgoyne on the subject of ascending the Hudson to join him, the bearer of which fell purposely into the hands of the Americans, while pretending to be on his way to Canada. Unable, therefore, to determine whether such might not be his design (although the intercepted despatch was regarded with strong suspicion), or whether, on the other hand, it might not be the purpose of Howe to pass round to the Chesapeake and thence strike at Philadelphia, the American general was compelled to remain inactively watching his motions, strengthening, in the mean time, to the utmost of his power, his positions in the Highlands, without being able to detach any large number of troops to the assistance of General Schuyler, then commanding the Northern department. And even after General Howe had embarked his troops and dropped down to Sandy Hook-having evacuated New-Jersey on the 30th of June-Washington was still in doubt whether it might not yet be his intention to return with the tide, and pass up the river in the night. Such, however, was no part of the plan of the British commander. His destination, on leaving the harbour of New York, was the Chesapeake and Philadelphia ; and the latter branch of the campaign, indicated in the opening of the present chapter, was so far successful, that, after a series of victories over the forces of General Washington, commencing at Brandy wine and ending at Germantown, General Howe took possession of, and established himself in, the capital of Pennsylvania.
But a far different fortune attended the arms of Burgoyne. The regular troops of his command, English and German, amounted to above seven thousand men, added to which were large numbers of American and Canadian Loyalists, together with many hundred Indians : a species of force which, it has been held by British historians, Sir Guy Carleton was reluctant to employ, while General Burgoyne, it has been alleged, entertained no such scruples. Never, probably, at the time, had there been an army of equal numbers better appointed than that of Burgoyne. The train of brass artillery, in particular, was perhaps the finest that had ever been allotted to an army not far exceeding the present in numerical strength, and for a time victory seemed to perch upon his ensigns.
General Carleton, it will be remembered, had made himself master of Lake Champlain, and the fortifications at Crown Point, the autumn before. The first object for attack presenting itself to General Burgoyne, therefore, was Ticonderoga, situated in the mountain gap through which the waters of Lake George fall into Lake Champlain. This fortress was then in command of General St. Clair, and -was supposed by the Americans to be a post of great security. The principal fortress, the ruins of which are yet standing in frowning and rugged strength, was situated on an angle of land surrounded on three sides by water filled with rocks. A great part of the south side was covered by a deep morass ; and where that failed, in the northwest quarter, the old French lines served as a defence. These lines had been strengthened by additional works and a blockhouse. The Americans had other defences and blockhouses in the direction of Lake George, together with two new blockhouses and some other works, to the right of the French lines. Still greater pains had been taken in fortifying the high circular hill on the eastern shore of the inlet opposite, known as Mount Independence. On the summit of this mountain, which is tableland, the Americans had erected a star-fort, enclosing a large square of barracks, well fortified, and supplied with artillery. The foot of the mountain, on the west side projecting into the water, was strongly intrenched to its edge, and the intrenchment lined with heavy artillery. These lower works were sustained and covered by a battery about half way up the side of the mountain, and were connected by a bridge across the inlet, which had been constructed at great labour and expense. These, and other works of defence, had been judged sufficient to render the post secure. The commander-in-chief himself, although, indeed, the works had not fallen under his own inspection, had formed a very erroneous opinion of their strength, or perhaps, to speak more correctly, of the natural advantages of the position, and of the defensibility of the works. Such, in fact, was his confidence in the post, that the idea of its loss seems, from his correspondence, scarce to have entered his mind.
But in all their labours the American engineers had overlooked the high peak or mountain called Sugar Hill, situated south of the bridge, on the point of land at the confluence of the waters of Lakes George and Champlain. Originally it had been supposed and taken for granted that the crest of Sugar Hill was not only inaccessible, but too distant to be of any avail in covering the main fortress. This opinion was an error, to which the attention of the officers had been called the preceding year by Colonel John Trumbull, then adjutant-general for the Northern department. When Colonel Trumbull made the suggestion, he was laughed at by the mess; but he soon proved the greater accuracy of his own vision by throwing a cannon-shot to the summit; and subsequently clambered up to the top, accompanied by Colonels Wayne and Arnold. It was a criminal neglect on the part of the Americans that the oversight was not at once corrected by the construction of a work upon that point, which would have commanded the whole post.
General Burgoyne arrived at Crown Point on the 21st of June; and after meeting and feasting the Indians, and attempting to instruct them in the rules and principles of civilized war, and making other necessary preparations-not forgetting to send forth a manifesto which he supposed would spread terror through the Northern colonies-he advanced with great caution to the investment of Ticonderoga, where he arrived on the 3d of July. Most unaccountably, the Americans immediately abandoned all their works in the direction of Lake George, setting fire to the blockhouses and sawmills; and, without sally or other interruption, permitted the enemy, under Major-general Philips, to take possession of the very advantageous post of Mount Hope, which, besides commanding their lines in a dangerous degree, totally cut off their communication with Lake George. The only excuse for such an early abandonment of this important point, was found in the fact that General St. Clair had not force enough to man all his defences.
One of the first objects that attracted the attention of the British commander was the unoccupied point of Sugar Hill. It was forthwith examined, and its advantages were found to be so great, that immediate dispositions were made for its occupation. A winding road was cut to its summit, a battery commenced, and cannon to serve it transported thither. Under these circumstances, finding himself invested on all sides, and batteries ready to be opened upon him not only from around, but above; and having, moreover, not half troops enough to man his works, St. Clair hastily convened a council of war on the 5th of July, and an evacuation was unanimously decided upon as the only alternative for the emergency.
Following up such a promising advantage, the British commander pushed forward upon the retiring army with such a degree of vigour, that the retreat became almost a rout. The Americans, however, made a stand between Skenesborough and Fort Anne in a well-contested battle, but, after much hard fighting, were again compelled to retreat. Another engagement ensued at Fort Anne with a like result; and the victorious Briton entered the valley of the Hudson, and took possession of Fort Edward, which, weak and unprovided, had likewise been evacuated on his approach by General Schuyler.
These movements by the British commander had been made with equal vigour and celerity; and such was the confusion of the Americans in their flight, that no advices of the disaster were forwarded by express to General Schuyler to prepare him for the approach of the victors. Indeed, that officer was suffered to remain several days without intelligence from St. Clair of any description, excepting some vague flying rumours of the evacuation. During this suspense, General Schuyler wrote to the commander-in-chief upon the subject, who, in turn, expressed his amazement at the mystery which seemed to hang over the affairs of the fortress. At one moment Washington was led to believe that St. Clair and the whole garrison had been made prisoners, and at another that the rumour of the evacuation was wholly untrue ; and that the silence, for which it baffled conjecture to account, arose from the circumstance that the Americans were shut up in their works. But this doubt did not continue long. Notwithstanding that the advance of the enemy was repulsed at Fort Anne, Colonel Long, who was in command of that post, immediately evacuated it, contrary to the express orders of General Schuyler; and Schuyler himself, at the head of only fifteen hundred men at Fort Edward, "without provision, with little ammunition, not above five rounds to a man, having neither balls nor lead to make any, and the country in the deepest consternation," was obliged also to fall back in the direction of Albany. The blow was a severe one, but the commander-in-chief possessed a soul equal to every crisis. No undue elevation of spirit followed his successes ; neither did the clouds of adverse fortune, so frequently darkening, the prospect of the American arms, sink him into despondency. Indeed, each succeeding calamity was but another test of his moral greatness, for he rose above them all.
Nothing, however, could exceed the terror which these events diffused among the inhabitants, not only of Northern New-York, but of the New-England States. The consternation was, moreover, increased by the reported murders and the cruelties of VOL. I.-Q
the savages, since all the efforts of General Burgoyne to dissuade them from the perpetration of their cruel enormities were ineffectual. Restrain them he could not; and it was admitted by the British writers of that day, that the friends of the royal cause, as well as its enemies, were equally victims to their indiscriminate rage. It was even ascertained that the British officers were deceived by their treacherous allies into the purchase of the scalps of their own comrades.
Among other instances of cruelty, the well- known murder of Miss Jane M'Crea, which happened in the early part of the campaign, filled the public mind with horror. Every circumstance of this unnatural and bloody transaction-around which there lingers a melancholy interest to this dayserved to heighten alike its interest and its enormity. Many have been the versions of this bloody tale. General Gates, who had at this juncture been directed to supersede General Schuyler in the command of the Northern department, assailed General Burgoyne in the newspapers with great virulence upon the subject of these outrages. After charging the British commander with encouraging the murder of prisoners, and the massacre of women and children, by paying the Indians a stipulated price for scalps, Gates, in a letter addressed to General Burgoyne, thus spoke of the case now specially under consideration : "Miss M'Crea, a young lady lovely to the sight, of virtuous character and amiable disposition, engaged to an officer of your array, was, with other women and children, taken out of a house near Port Edward, carried into the woods, and there scalped and mangled in the most horrid manner. Two parents, with their six children, were treated with the same inhumanity, while quietly resting in their own happy and peaceful dwelling. The miserable fate of Miss M'Crea was particularly aggravated by being dressed to receive her promised husband, but met her murderer, employed by you. Upward of one hundred men, women, and children have perished by the hands of the ruffians to whom, it is asserted, you have paid the price of blood." General Burgoyne replied, and repelled with indignation the charge of encouraging, in any respect, the outrages of the Indians. He asserted that from the first he had refused to pay for scalps, and had so informed the Indians at their council. The only rewards he gave them were for prisoners brought in, and by the adoption of this course he hoped to encourage a more humane mode of warfare on their part. In this letter Burgoyne said, " I would not be conscious of the acts you presume to impute to me for the whole Continent of America, though the wealth of worlds were in its bowels, and a paradise upon its surface." In regard to the hapless fate of Miss M'Crea, General Burgoyne remarked, " Her fall wanted not the tragic display you have laboured to give it to make it as sincerely abhorred and lamented by me as it can be by the tenderest of her friends. The act was no premeditated barbarity. On the contrary, two chiefs, who had brought her off for the purpose of security, not of violence to her person, disputed which should be her guard, and in a fit of savage passion in one, from whose hands she was snatched, the unhappy woman became the victim. Upon the first intelligence of this event, I obliged the Indians to deliver the murderer into my hands; and though to have punished him by our laws, or principles of justice, would have been perhaps unprecedented, he certainly should have suffered an ignominious death, had I not been convinced, from my circumstances and observations, beyond the possibility of a doubt, that a pardon under the terms which I presented and they accepted, would be more efficacious than an execution, to prevent similar mischiefs. The above instance excepted, your intelligence respecting the cruelty of the Indians is false."
The British commander doubtless laboured to make the best of his case, and in respect to Miss M'Crea, his statement was much nearer to the truth than that of General Gates. The actual circumstances of the case, stripped of its romance, were these : Miss M'Crea belonged to a family of Loyalists, and had engaged her hand in marriage to a young refugee named Jones, a subordinate officer in the British service, who was advancing with Burgoyne. Anxious to possess himself of his bride, he despatched a small party of Indians to bring her to the British camp. Her family and friends were strongly opposed to her going with such an escort; but her affection overcame her prudence, and she determined upon the hazardous adventure. She set forward with her dusky attendants on horseback. The family resided at the village of Fort Edward, whence they had not proceeded more than half a mile before her conductors stopped to drink at a spring. Meantime, the impatient lover, who deserved not her embrace for confiding her protection to such hands, instead of going himself, had despatched a second party of Indians upon the same errand. The Indians met at the spring; and before the march was resumed, they were attacked by a party of the Provincials. At the close of the skirmish, the body of Miss M'Crea was found among the slain, tomahawked, scalped, and tied to a pine-tree, yet standing by the side of the spring, as a monument of the bloody transaction. The name of the young lady is inscribed on the tree, the trunk of which is thickly scarred with the bullets it received in the skirmish. It also bears the date 1777. "Tradition reports that the Indians divided the scalp, and that each party carried half of it to the agonized lover." The ascertained cause of the murder was this: The promised reward for bringing her in safety to her betrothed was a barrel of rum. The chiefs of the two parties sent for her by Mr. Jones quarrelled respecting the anticipated compensation. Each claimed it, and, in a moment of passion, to end the controversy, one of them struck her down with his hatchet.
As the invader advanced, the inhabitants fled in the wildest consternation. The horrors of war, however mitigated by the laws and usages of civilization, are at all times sufficiently terrific; but when to these the fierce cruelties of a cloud of savages are superadded, those only who have been familiar with an American border warfare can form an adequate opinion of its atrocities. Among the fugitives driven-from their peaceful abodes on the present occasion was Mrs. Ann Eliza Bleecker, a lady who has been somewhat celebrated as one of the early poets of our country. She was the daughter of Mr. Brandt Schuyler, of the city of New-York, and the wife of John J. Bleecker, Esq., of New-Rochelle, whose enterprise, together with his lady's love for the wild scenery of the forest, had induced him to exchange a residence among the busy haunts of men for a solitary plantation in the vale of the Tomhanic, a mountain stream flowing into the Hoosic River, about twenty miles from Albany. Mr. Bleecker's residence lay directly in the march of Burgoyne, on whose approach he hastened to Albany to provide accommodations for his family. But a few hours after his departure, Mrs. Bleecker, as she sat at the table, received intelligence that the enemy, with tomahawk and brand, was within two miles of her residence. Instant flight was the only alternative. Taking one of her children in her arms, and seizing the other by the hand, she started off on foot, attended only by a young mulatto girl, and leaving her house and all its contents a prey to the Indians. The roads were encumbered by carriages, loaded with women and children, each intent upon his or her own safety; so that no assistance could be obtained, and her only recourse was to Q3
mingle in the fugitive throng, and participate in the common panic and common distress. Having travelled about five miles on foot, however, she succeeded in obtaining a seat for the children in a wagon, which served to facilitate her march. On the following morning she was met by her husband, who conducted her to Albany, and thence down the Hudson as far as Red Hook, one of her children dying by the way.
Amid this scene of desolation and affright, there was yet one woman whose proud spirit was undaunted. It was the lady of General Schuyler. The general's country-seat was upon his estate in Saratoga, standing upon the margin of the river. On the approach of Burgoyne, Mrs. Schuyler went up to Saratoga, in order to remove their furniture. Her carriage was attended by only a single armed man on horseback. When within two miles of her house, she encountered a crowd of panic-stricken people, who recited to her the tragic fate of Miss M'Crea, and, representing to her the danger of proceeding farther in the face of the enemy, urged her to return. She had yet to pass through a dense forest, within which even then some of the savage troops might be lurking for prey. But to these prudential counsels she would not listen. "The general's wife," she exclaimed, "must not be afraid !" And, pushing forward, she accomplished her purpose.
Before the mansion was evacuated, however, the general himself had a narrow escape from assassination by the hand of a savage, who had insinuated himself into the house for that purpose. It was at the hour of bedtime in the evening, and while the general was preparing to retire for the night, that a female servant, in coming in from the hall, saw a gleam of light reflected from the blade of a knife, in the hand of some person whose dark outline she discerned behind the door. The servant was a black slave, who had sufficient presence of mind not to appear to have made the discovery. Passing directly through the door into the apartment where the general was yet standing near the fireplace, with an air of unconcern she pretended to arrange such articles as were disposed upon the mantelpiece, while in an under-tone she informed her master of her discovery, and said, aloud, " I will call the guard." The general instantly seized his arms, while the faithful servant hurried out by another door into a long hall, upon the floor of which lay a loose board which creaked beneath the tread. By the noise she made in tramping rapidly upon the board, the Indian-for such he proved-was led to suppose that the Philistines were upon him in numbers, sprang from his concealment and fled. He was pursued, however, by the guard and a few friendly Indians attached to the person of General Schuyler, overtaken, and made prisoner. Exasperated at his treachery, the friendly Indians were resolved to put him to death, and it was with much difficulty that they were diverted from their purpose by the general.
The effect of the incidents we have been detailing, and other recitals of savage cruelties, not all, as General Burgoyne represented, without foundation, was extensive and powerful. The cry of vengeance was universal, and a spirit was aroused which proved of speedy and great advantage to the American arms.