Three Rivers
Hudson~Mohawk~Schoharie
History From America's Most Famous Valleys

Life of Joseph Brant-Thayendanegea

Including the Indian Wars of the American Revolution

by William L. Stone. Volume II

Buffalo: Phinney & Co., 1851.

Chapter XII.

Suspected duplicity of the British authorities-Conduct of Simon Girty-Disclosures upon the subject by Captain Brant-Council at Buffalo, and Indian report of the doings of the Great Congress-Speech of Captain Brant respecting the Miami council-Mission of General Chapin to Philadelphia, with the speech-Answer unsatisfactory to the Indians-Red Jacket-Indian council-Speech of Captain Brant in reply to the answer of the United States-Troubles thickening between the United States and Great Britain--Inflammatory speech of Lord Dorchester- Question of its authenticity settled-Conduct of Governor Simcoe-Indignation of President Washington-His letter to Mr. Jay-Speech of Captain Brant against holding a council at Venango-The design frustrated-Affairs farther in the West-Singular message from the distant Indians under the Spanish and French influence-Their speech-Operations of General Wayne-Encroachments of Pennsylvania upon the Indian lands-Indian council upon the subject-Address to General Washington-Important letter of Brant to Colonel Smith-Pennsylvania relinquishes Presque Isle-Defeat of Major M'Mahon near Fort Recovery-Indians repulsed in their attack upon the fort-Letter to Brant giving an account of the battle-Advance of Wayne to the Au Glaize and Miamis of the Lakes-Little Turtle apprised of his movements and strength by a deserter-The Chief determines to give battle-Wayne makes one more effort for peace-Failure of the attempt-Advance of Wayne to the Rapids-Position of the Indians-Battle and defeat of the Indians-Little Turtle opposed to the hazard of a battle- Opposed by Blue-Jacket and overruled-Tart correspondence between Wayne and Major Campbell-Destruction of Indian property by fire, and burning of Colonel M'Kee's establishment-Disappointment of the Indians that Major Campbell did not assist them-Letter of Governor Simcoe to Brant-Aggression at Sodus Bay-Simcoe and Brant repair to the West-Interfere to prevent a peace- Indian council-The hostiles negotiate with Wayne-Simcoe's address to the Wyandots-Division in their counsels-Brant retires displeased-Letter of apology from the Chiefs-The distant Indians become weary of the war.

THE return of the Commissioners to the eastern extremity of Lake Erie was immediate ; from whence both the government of the United States and General Wayne were apprised of the failure of the negotiation, for which such long and anxious preparation had been made. It has been charged that, notwithstanding the apparent friendship of Governor Simcoe and his little court at Niagara, and their seeming desire of peace; this unpropitious result was measurably, if not entirely; produced by the influence of the British officers in attendance upon the Indian councils-Colonel M'Kee, Captain Elliot, and the notorious Simon Girty. The Rev. Mr. Heckewelder, at the request of General Knox, accompanied the Commissioners, and was present at the delivery of the last message from the council, refusing an interview, which, as delivered, both in matter and manner was exceedingly insolent. Elliot and Girty were both present when this message was delivered, the latter of whom supported his insolence by a quill, or long feather run through the cartilage of his nose cross-wise. He was the interpreter of the message; and Mr. Heckewelder states that he officiously added a sentence not transmitted from the council. Two Delaware chiefs, visiting the Commissioners from the council, while at Detroit River, on being questioned by Mr. Heckewelder why the Commissioners were not allowed to proceed to their quarters at the Rapids, replied:-" All we can say is, that we wish for peace ; but we cannot speak farther, our mouths being stopped up when we left the council!" In other words, they had been forbidden to disclose any of its secrets.*

These circumstances, from the pen of such a witness, furnish strong presumptive testimony of duplicity on the part of the Canadian administration. But there is yet other evidence of the fact, so strong as to be indisputable. It is that of Captain Brant himself, who, of all others, participated most largely in the deliberations of those councils. In one of the speeches delivered by him in the course of his land difficulties with the Canadian government, some time subsequent to the war, the following passage occurs:-"For several years" (after the peace of 1783,) " we were engaged in getting a confederacy formed,+ and the unanimity occasioned by these endeavors among our western brethren, enabled them to defeat two American armies. The war continued without our brothers, the English, giving any assistance, excepting a little ammunition ; and they seeming to desire that a peace might be concluded, we tried to bring it about at a time that the United States desired it very much, so that they sent Commissioners from among their first people, to endeavor to make peace with the hostile Indians. We assembled also for that purpose at the Miami River in the Summer of 1793, intending to act as mediators in bringing about an honorable peace; and if that could not be obtained, we resolved to join with our western brethren in trying the fortune " of war. But to our surprise, when on the point of entering " upon a treaty with the Commissioners, we found that it was " opposed by those acting under the British government, and " hopes of farther assistance were given to our western brethren,
* Heckewelder's Narrative of the Moravian Missions.
+ In another portion of the same speech, Captain Brant stated that General Haldimand exhorted them to the formation of that union with the different nations.

" to encourage them to insist on the Ohio as a boundary between them and the United States."*

The deputation from the Six Nations and the Seven Nations of Canada, (the Caughnawagas,) having returned from the Miami, a council was convened at the village of the Onondagas residing at Buffalo Creek, to hear their report-intended not only for their own people, but for the information of the British and American Superintendents, Colonel Butler and General Chapin. The council-fire was kindled on the 8th of October. The procedure, it will be seen, was characteristic and striking. The belts, pictures, and emblems used by the several nations represented in the Grand Council at the Miami Rapids, were forwarded to the Six Nations by the hands of their deputies, and after the council had been regularly opened, these were produced, and the speeches with which their delivery had been accompanied, were repeated, in the form of a report, with incidental explanations. By this process, though tedious, the proceedings of the Grand Congress were probably reported to the Buffalo council, with as much accuracy as though they had been written out in form by a committee of the more civilized " Congress of the Thirteen Fires."

All things being ready, the proceedings were commenced by Clear-Sky, a chief of the Onondagas who spoke as follows:-

" BROTHERS : "We thank the Great Spirit for our happy meeting, that he has preserved us through all difficulties, dangers, and sickness, and given us an opportunity of meeting together at this place."

The ceremony of condolence for the loss of friends since the last council, having been regularly performed and reciprocated by all the tribes present, and also by the Superintendents, the business of the council was resumed by the Farmer's Brother, who delivered the speech of the Shawanese, Delawares, and Twithuays, as follows :-

" BROTHERS : Colonel Butler and General Chapin, we wish you to attend the Shawanese and other nations of Indians. We thank the Six Nations for their attention. We were glad to see
*Quoted from the manuscript copy of the speech, contained among the Brant papers, in the hand-writing of the Chief himself.

them at the Great Council-fire which had been kindled, some time at the Rapids of the Miami.*

" BROTHERS : You are acquainted -with the friendship that once subsisted between you and our fathers, and the reason that the present fire is kindled, is to renew that friendship.

" BROTHERS : We mentioned this to you last Fall at a council at the Glaize, and we now repeat it to put you in mind of that friendship which once subsisted between you and our wise forefathers.

[A belt of white wampum was here presented, made in a circular form, representing their place of meeting, as in the centre, and crossed by four stripes of black wampum, representing all their confederates, East, West, North, and South.]

" BROTHERS : The ancient confederacy which subsisted between us and the Five Nations, + was, that if any of the Five Nations were in distress, we would take them to us ; we now see that you are in distress ; that you are surrounded by water, and have not any land to stand upon ; that a large white beast stands with open mouth on the other side, ready to destroy you. We have dry land for you to stand on ; and we now take you by the hand, and invite you to come, and bring your beds, and sit down with us." [Belt of seven rows of black and white wampum.]

The warriors here joined with the Chiefs, and repeated the ancient agreement, recommended a union of all the different nations, and asked them to follow what was recommended by the chiefs. Puck-on-che-luh, head warrior of the Delawares,++ then spoke:-

" BROTHERS : I call you my uncles, and all the other Indians my grand-children. Them I have already united and bound together, and I now bind you all together with this string." [A large bunch of black wampum.]
* In order to understand the report, the reader must bear in mind that the speechof each belt is delivered by the bearer of it, as though he were in fact a delegate fromthe nation whose report he is making.
+ In answer to a question by the Seven Nations of Canada, how long this confederacy had existed between the Shawanese, &c. the reply was, " three lives." ++ After the defeat of St. Clair, on which occasion the Delawares fought bravely, the Mohawks, who had formerly declared the Delawares to be women, or, in other words, degraded them from the rank of warriors, reversed the sentence of disgrace, and wiped out the stigma, by formally declaring the Delawares no longer women, but MEN.

The Sachems of the Delawares then spoke :-
" BROTHERS : You have heard the speech of the chief warriors. We join with them, and are glad to hear they have bound all their grand-children together, and that they have spoken with great respect to their uncles, and recommended to them to be of one mind." [A large bunch of black wampum.]
The Wyandots then spoke :-

"BROTHERS: You came to us one hundred and fifty years ago, when we lived above Detroit, with a speech from the Six Nations, assembled at their council-fire at Onondaga Hill, and recommended to us to be friends, and advised us not to listen to any bad report, or any thing that would disturb our minds.

" BROTHERS : Listen to a few words more we have to say to you. We hear the Virginians are near us: we shall not go to meet them; but if they should come among us, we do not know what will be the consequence."

[The Wyandots spoke with a very large belt of wampum, with three pictures upon it, one in the middle, and one at each end, representing the Americans at one end, the Six Nations in the middle, and themselves at the other end, and expressed their sorrow that the Americans were gone before they had had an opportunity of speaking to them.]

The Chippewas and twenty-six other nations, their confederates, then spoke:-

" BROTHERS : We are sorry that the business for which the council-fire at the Rapids of the Miami was kindled has not been completed as we could wish. We were desired by the different nations which we represent, to attend the council; and use our efforts to bring about a general peace, and unite all nations."

The Chippewas, Ottawas, and Pottawattamies, deputies from twenty-seven nations, inhabiting along the lakes, and above Michilimackinack; then spoke:-

"BROTHERS: We are sorry that we have attended all Summer at the council-fire, and have not done any business as we expected.

" BROTHERS : We are now united with you, the Six Nations, and ask you to return to your seats, and let the United States know our determination, and return with an answer to us by
VOL. II. 24

the middle of winter, and not stop, as some nations may confuse you and make your minds bad."

To which the Six Nations replied :-

" BROTHERS : We thank you, and as soon as we get to our seats we will kindle our council-fire; and call Canadasago, an agent, appointed by me United States to meet with us, and through him will have our determination communicated to Congress."

The Six Nations then, addressing General Chapin and Colonel Butler, said:-

" BROTHERS : We have now made known to you our proceedings at the late proposed treaty at the Rapids of the Miami, and have informed you of the proposed line between the Indians and the United States, which if accepted, we shall assist the white people to make peace."

Captain Brant and the Mohawks were not present at the council on the 8th, a circumstance regretted by the deputation in making their report. The Farmer's Brother remarked that Captain Brant would be able to give fuller explanations than they had done of the proceedings at Miami, and the determination at which the nations there assembled had arrived. The Mohawk having arrived on the 9th, the council-fire was again raked open, when Captain Brant thus addressed Colonel Butler the British, and General Chapin the American Superintendant:--

" BROTHERS : You, the King, our father, and you, our brother, the United States, attend to what we have to say. We will now explain to you the material point upon which we have requested your attendance at this council, and which has not been fully explained. We wish to act openly, that the world may judge of our proceedings.

" BROTHERS : It is unnecessary to repeat what passed at the great council at the Miami Rapids, as we know that you are already acquainted therewith. We shall therefore point out the cause of our parting from the meeting in the manner we did.

"BROTHERS: When the first deputation from the confederate Indians met the Commissioners of the United States at Niagara, every thing seemed to promise a friendly termination of the treaty ; but before their return to the council-fire at the Rapids of the Miami, messengers from the Creek nation arrived there, and brought authentic information of the white people having encroached upon that part of the confederacy.

" This intelligence at once gave a change to the face of our proceedings, and, probably, was the sole cause of the abrupt termination of the negotiations for peace. Thus you see that claims upon our lands always have been, and still continue to be, the cause of war.

" BROTHERS : About five years ago we agreed upon a line of demarcation with the United States, which you know to be the Muskingum; and, notwithstanding the various accidents that have since occurred, we will still adhere to that boundary.

" BROTHERS : We think the United States will agree to this line, which will show the sincerity and justice they always profess for the Indians ; should they agree to this, we sincerely hope that peace will still take place, and we think that the weight of our branch of the confederacy will be able to accomplish peace upon the reasonable line we have just mentioned, and we shall be exceeding sorry to find that this proposal should not be generally accepted by the confederacy. If it is rejected, we must be involved in difficulties in our own country.

" BROTHERS : We will now proceed to explain the line upon which we hope peace will be made. We know that the lands along the Ohio are claimed by the Indians, but we propose to give up such part of these lands as are actually settled and improved, which settlements are to be circumscribed by a line drawn around them, and no farther claims are to be admitted beyond such line. The remainder of the boundary to be explained by General Chapin, for which purpose it is the general wish of the Six Nations that General Chapin, himself, will proceed with the speech to Congress." [A belt of black and white wampum.]

Agreeably to this request, General Chapin proceeded to the seat of government, to submit their speech to the President, and make the necessary explanations. The Secretary of War replied on the 24th of December, reiterating the desire of the United States to cultivate relations of friendship with the Indians, evading a decision upon the boundary recommended by Captain Brant, and proposing another Indian Council in the spring, to be held at Venango. But in the event of the Indians, hostile or otherwise, agreeing to meet in such council, they were distinctly told that the army would not in the mean time be restrained from hostile operations, as had been the case the preceding season. Farther to secure the good-will of the Six Nations, however, a supply of warm winter clothing was sent to them, with the letter from the Secretary containing the President's decision which was delivered, and well received at a council holden at Buffalo Creek on the 7th of February, 1794. This council had been convened expressly to receive the answer to the proposals of Captain Brant: and the same having been read, it was soon perceived to be less acceptable to the Indians than they had anticipated. Red Jacket, after a long pause, replied to General Chapin :-

" BROTHERS (of the United States:) We have heard the speech that has been delivered to us with great attention, and shall now remove the council-fire to our castle, to take it into private consideration.

Two days afterward, the council was re-opened, when Red Jacket spoke:-

" BROTHERS : We have taken your speech into consideration, and our eldest brother, Captain Brant, is to relate the result of our meeting in private council yesterday."

Captain Brant then spoke as follows, with nine strings of white and black wampum:-

" BROTHERS : I now address to you, General Chapin of the United States, and to you, Major Littlehales* in behalf of the King, and thank the Great Spirit for bringing us again together in council, as what we are a going to relate we wish the world to know.

" BROTHERS : You have both heard the message we delivered to our brothers of the United States, last Fall, relative to a boundary line; and we expected a positive answer from you, brothers of the United States, whether you would accept of it or not.

" BROTHERS : When we delivered the message to you last Fall for the United States, we had first taken it into serious consideration; we spoke the language of our hearts, and the Great Spirit knew our minds; all the Six Nations were of the same opinion, and we are well assured that, had the United
* Private Secretary of Governor Simcoe, attending the council in his absence.

States accepted our proposed boundary line, peace would certainly have taken place.

" BROTHERS : The speech you have brought us, has given us great uneasiness ; we are greatly at a loss how to act; we expected a direct answer to our proposals of a boundary line; now we are much distressed that you have brought us but half an answer; the kindling a council-fire at a distant place is what we are not prepared to give a reply to.

" BROTHERS : Provided the United States had accepted our proposed boundary line, we should have sent immediately to our Western brethren, who know our sentiments, and we should have attended your council and confirmed it.

" BROTHERS : Make your minds easy ; but, in consequence of the importance of your speech, we must have time to deliberate very seriously upon it; we cannot give you an immediate answer; we must have a general council of all the Chiefs; only a few are now present, and we should all be together. The reason of so much counselling at different times has proceeded from so small a number of our sachems and chiefs being assembled, and this has been the principal cause of the present trouble.

" BROTHERS : You, General Chapin, live near us; we have two months and a half to consider of your speech, and by that time we will give you a final answer. We pray the Great Spirit that these difficulties may terminate to the happiness of both parties.

" BROTHERS ; You requested an answer as soon as was convenient, but in such very weighty business, it is impossible to give one immediately. With regard to provision, there is plenty in your country; and if we should agree to meet you, you need not be particular about what we shall consume, for we shall not expect any thing but provision.

"BROTHERS: We now conclude, and we pray the Great Spirit to protect you safe home, and we desire you will bear it continually on your minds, that you will soon receive an answer. [The nine strings of wampum, delivered to General Chapin.]

Notwithstanding the postponement of a definitive answer, on the part of the Indians, to the proposition for the assembling of another council at Venango, it was the opinion of General Chapin, at the close 6f these proceedings, that they would yet accede to it. Circumstances, however, arose during the intervening period, which materially changed the aspect of the border relations of the United States, and the tone and temper of the Six Nations. The protracted and sanguinary wars between England and the French Republic had then commenced, as also had the invasions of the rights of neutrals by those powers, so frequent and so aggravated during that furious contest. In order to cut off the supplies of bread stuffs from France, Great Britain had resorted to the strong and questionable measure of stopping all vessels loaded in whole or in part with corn, flour, or meal, bound to any port in France, and sending them in to the most convenient ports, where their cargoes were to be purchased for his Majesty's service, at a fair value, after making a due allowance for freight, &c. The British government labored to justify this measure by citations from some modern writers upon national law, but it was nevertheless esteemed a violation of neutral rights, and produced much feeling among the American people, and strong remonstrances from the government. The assumption set up by Great Britain, of the right of impressing seamen, British subjects, from neutral vessels, by the exercise of which it was asserted that many American seamen had been seized, and carried forcibly into foreign service, was now producing farther and still greater irritation. Added to all which were the incendiary machinations of Citizen Genet to undermine the administration of Washington, alienate from his government the affections of the people, and involve the United States in a war with Great Britain. Party spirit was already running high, and from the blind zeal with which the anti-federalists had espoused the cause of revolutionary France, as against England, very serious apprehensions were entertained that another war between the latter power and the United States would be the result.

One of the consequences of the apparent probability of such em event, was a manifest change of temper on the part of the British officers in the Canadas, and at the posts yet in British occupancy along the north-western frontier of the United States. That during the whole controversy between the Indians and the United States, from 1786 to the defeat of St. Clair, the former had been countenanced and encouraged by English agents, and repeatedly incited to actual hostilities by the traders, there was no doubt. Latterly, however, a better state of feeling had been manifested. Lord Dorchester, previous to a visit to England at the close of the year 1791, had sent a speech to the Indians, of a complexion rather pacific ; and it has been seen, that in the Slimmer of the preceding year, (1793,) Governor Simcoe had displayed a better feeling than had previously been evinced by the officers of that nation, since the close of the Revolutionary contest. But the difficulties between the two nations, already referred to, now daily becoming more serious, and threatening, at no distant day, a resort to the ultima ratio regum, had wrought a decided change in the views of the Canadian authorities respecting an Indian pacification. In the event of a war, the Indians would again be found valuable auxiliaries to the arms of his Majesty, for the annoyance they would inflict upon the United States, if not by reason of any important victories they might gain. Hence, instead of promoting a pacification, the efforts of the Canadian government were obviously exerted to prevent it. Meshecunnaqua, or the Little Turtle, had made a visit to the province of Lower Canada, after the victory over St. Clair, for the purpose of engaging all the Indian forces he could, in that quarter; in the farther prosecution of the war. Lord Dorchester had now returned from England, and was waited upon by the Indians of the Seven Nations of Canada, as a deputation from all the Indians at the Grand Miami council of the preceding Autumn. Their object was to ask advice, or procure countenance or assistance, in regard to the boundary for which they had been so long contending. His Lordship answered the deputation on the 10th of February, in language: respecting the United States, far from conciliatory or pacific. After referring to the proceedings of a council with the Indians, held at Quebec, previous to his departure for Europe, two years before, and the expression in his speech on that occasion, of a hope that he should hear in England of a satisfactory adjustment of their difficulties with the United States, his Lordship proceeded:-

" CHILDREN : I was in expectation of hearing from the people of the United States what was required by them: I hoped that I should have been able to bring you together, and make you friends.

" CHILDREN : I have waited long, and listened with great attention, but 1 have not heard one word from them.

" CHILDREN : I nattered myself with the hope that the line proposed in the year eighty-three, to separate us from the United States, which was immediately broken by themselves as soon as the peace was signed, would have been mended, or a new one drawn, in an amicable manner. Here, also, I have been disappointed.

" CHILDREN : Since my return, I find no appearance of a line remains ; and from the manner in which the people of the United States rush on, and act, and talk, on this side; and from what I learn of their conduct toward the sea, I shall not be surprised if we are at war with them in the course of the present year ; and if so, a line must then be drawn by the warriors.

" CHILDREN : You talk of selling your lands to the State of New-York.* I have told you that there is no line between them and us. I shall acknowledge no lands to be their's which have been encroached on by them since the year 1783. They then broke the peace, and as they kept it not on their part, it doth not bind on our's.

"CHILDREN: They then destroyed their right of pre-emption. Therefore all their approaches toward us since that time, and all the purchases made by them, I consider as an infringement on the King's rights. And when a line is drawn between us, be it in peace or war, they must lose all their improvements and houses on our side of it. Those people must all be gone who do not obtain leave to become the King's subjects. What belongs to the Indians will, of course, be secured and confirmed to them.

" CHILDREN : What farther can I say to you? You are witnesses that on our parts we have acted in the most peaceable manner, and borne the language and conduct of the people of the United States with patience. But I believe our patience is almost exhausted."+

* The Caughnawaga Indians, residing near Montreal, were about this time in treaty with Governor George Clinton for the sale of some of their lands lying within the boundaries of the state of New-York. The late Egbert Benson was a Commissioner on the part of the State.

+ The authenticity of this speech of Lord Dorchester is denied by Chief Justice Marshall, and Mr. Sparks, in his Life and Correspondence of Washington, notes that denial without dissent. Hence it has been received as spurious, and Lord

There could be no doubt as to the effect of such an address upon the warlike tribes of the upper lakes, chafed, as they were, by what they really believed to be wrongs, and by the presence of a hostile army in the heart of their own country-buoyed up in their spirits, moreover, by the complete success which had crowned their arms in the two preceding campaigns. But the Governor General did not here cease his exertions to keep the Indians, the Six Nations not excepted, on the qui vive of the war feeling. Soon after the close of the council at Buffalo in the same month, his Lordship transmitted an inflammatory speech to those tribes, which was interpreted to them by Colonel Butler, and produced an obvious and decided change in their feelings toward the United States. Large presents were likewise sent up from Quebec, and distributed among them, and the British officers in the Indian Department took pains, on all occasions, to represent to them that a war between the two nations was inevitable.* Such was doubtless their opinion, for with the arrival of Lord Dorchester's speech, early in April, Governor Simcoe repaired over-land to Detroit, and with a strong detachment of troops proceeded to the foot of the Miami Rapids, and commenced the erection of a fortress at that place
Dorchester, with his Government, has escaped the responsibility of having uttered such an unwarrantable document. The first copy was forwarded to President Washington by Governor Clinton, who did not doubt its genuineness. Neither did the President; since, in his letter to Governor Clinton acknowleding its receipt, he states his reasons at large for dissenting from the opinions of those who were proclaiming it to be spurious. On the contrary, he declared that he entertained " not a doubt of its authenticity." Equally strong was he in the opinion, that in making such a speech Lord Dorchester had spoken the sentiments of the British Cabinet, according to his instructions. [See Letter of President Washington to Governor Clinton, March 31, 1794.] On the 20th of May the attention of the British Minister, Mr. Hammond, was called to the subject by the Secretary of State, Edmund Randolph, who remonstrated strongly, not only against the speech, but against the conduct of Governor Simcoe, who was then engaged in measures of a hostile character. Mr. Hammond replied on the 22d of May rather tartly; and, what renders the denial of the speech by Marshall and Sparks the more singular, is the fact that the British Minister said in that letter,-"I am willing to admit the authenticity of the speech.'' [See T. B. Wait & Sons' Edition of American, State Papers, Vol. I. pages 449-453.] But if doubt has existed before, as to the genuine character of (hat document, it shall no longer exist. I have myself transcribed the preceding extracts from a certified manuscript copy, discovered among the papers of Joseph Brant in my possession.-Author.

* Letter from General Israel Chapin to the Secretary of War, April 29, 1794. See Indian State Papers-p. 480.

This movement caused fresh irritation among the American people, since the retention of the old posts had been a continual source of dissatisfaction, although the non-fulfilment of a portion of the treaty of peace by the United States still furnished the pretext for such occupancy. But the movement of Governor Simcoe into the Miami country, and the erection of a fortress there-the territory being clearly within the boundaries of the United States-awakened yet stronger feelings of indignation in the bosom of the President. Mr. Jay was at that time the American minister near the Court of St. James, and the President gave vent to his feelings in a private letter to that functionary, in the most decided terms of reprobation. " Can that government," asked the President in the letter to Mr. Jay, " or will it attempt, after this official act of one of their Governors, to hold out ideas of friendly intentions toward the United States, and suffer such conduct to pass with impunity ? This may be considered as the most open and daring act of the British agents in America, though it is not the most hostile or cruel; for there does not remain a doubt in the mind of any well-informed person in this country, not shut against conviction, that all the difficulties we encounter with the- Indians-their hostilities, the murders of helpless women and innocent children along our frontiers-result from the conduct of the agents of Great Britain in this country. In vain is it, then, for its administration in Britain to disavow having given orders which will warrant such conduct, whilst their agents go unpunished; whilst we have a thousand corroborating circumstances, and indeed almost as many evidences, some of which cannot be brought forward, to know that they are seducing from our alliance, and endeavoring to remove over the line, tribes that have hitherto been kept in peace and friendship with us at a heavy expense, and who have no causes of complaint, except pretended ones of their creating; whilst they keep in a state of irritation the tribes who are hostile to us, and are instigating those who know little of us or we of them, to unite in the war against us; and whilst it is an undeniable fact that they are furnishing the whole with arms, ammunition, clothing, and even provisions, to carry on the war; I might go farther, and if they are not much belied, add men also in disguise."

It was under these altered circumstances that General Chapin met the Six Nations again in council on the 21st of April, to receive their reply to the communication from the Secretary of War, General Knox, proposing the holding of another treaty at Venango, as heretofore mentioned. The proceedings were opened by the Onondaga chief, Clear Sky, who addressed the Superintendents as follows :-

"GENERAL CHAPIN : We are happy to see that you are arrived safe at our council-fire, and that you have been preserved by the Great Spirit in good health:

" COLONEL BUTLER : We are also very happy to see you at our council-fire, as representing the King."

Captain Brant thereupon rose, and addressed the two Superintendents as follows:-

" BROTHERS : You of the United States listen to what we are going to say to you ; you, likewise, the King.

" BROTHERS : We are very happy to see you, Colonel Butler and General Chapin, sitting side by side, with the intent of hearing what we have to say. We wish to do no business but what is open and above-board."

Then addressing himself exclusively to General Chapin, he proceeded:-

" BROTHER : You, of the United States, make your mind easy, on account of the long time your President's speech has been under our consideration; when we received it, we told you it was a business of importance, and required time to be considered of.

" BROTHER : The answer you have brought us is not according to what we expected, which was the reason of our long delay ; the business would have been done with expedition, had the United States agreed to our proposals. We would then have collected our associates, and repaired to Venango, the place you proposed for meeting us.

" BROTHER : It is not now in our power to accept your invitation ; provided we were to go, you would conduct the business as you might think proper ; this has been the case at all the treaties held, from time to time, by your Commissioners.

" BROTHER : At the first treaty after the conclusion of the war between you and Great Britain, at Fort Stanwix, your Commissioners conducted the business as it to them seemed best; they pointed out a line of division, and then confirmed it; after this they held out that our country was ceded to them by the King; this confused the Chiefs who attended there, and prevented them from making any reply to the contrary ; still holding out, if we did not consent to it, that their warriors were at their back, and that we could get no farther protection from Great Britain. This has ever been held out to us by the Commissioners from Congress ; at all the treaties held with us since the peace, at Fort M'lntosh, at Rocky River, and every other meeting held, the idea was still the same.

" BROTHER : This has been the case from time to time. Peace has not taken place, because you have held up these ideas, owing to which much mischief has been done to the southward.

" BROTHER : We, the Six Nations, have been exerting ourselves to keep peace since the conclusion of the war ; we think it would be best for both parties; we advised the confederate nations to request a meeting, about half way between us and the United States, in order that such steps might be taken as would bring about a peace ; this request was there proposed by us, and refused by Governor St. Clair, one of your Commissioners, The Wyandots, a few Delawares, and some others, met the Commissioners, though not authorized, and confirmed the lines of what was not their property, but common to all nations.

" BROTHER : This idea we all entertained at our council at Lower Sandusky, held for the purpose of forming our confederacy, and to adopt measures that would be for the general welfare of our Indian nations, or people of our color; owing to these steps taken by us, the United States held out, that when we went to the westward to transact our private business, that we went with the intention of taking an active part in the troubles subsisting between them and our western brethren ; this never has been the case. We have ever wished for the friendship of the United States.

" BROTHER : We think you must be fully convinced, from our perseverance last summer, as your Commissioners saw, that we were anxious for a peace between you. The exertions that owe, the Six Nations, have made toward the accomplishing this desirable end, is the cause of the western nations being somewhat dubious as to our sincerity. After we knew their doubts, we still persevered; and, last Fall, we pointed out methods to be taken, and sent them, by you to Congress ; this we certainly expected, would have proved satisfactory to the United States ; in. that case we should have more than ever exerted ourselves, in order that the offers we made should be confirmed by our confederacy, and by them strictly to be adhered to.

" BROTHER : Our proposals have not met with the success from Congress that we expected; this still leaves us in a similar situation to what we were in when we first entered on the business.

" BROTHER : You must recollect the number of chiefs who have, at divers times, waited on Congress; they have pointed out the means to be taken, and held out the same language, uniformly, at one time as another ; that was, if you would withdraw your claim to the boundary line and lands within the line, as offered by us; had this been done, peace would have taken place, and, unless this still be done, we see no other method of accomplishing it.

" BROTHER : "We have borne every thing patiently for this long time past; we have done every thing we could consistently do with the welfare of our nations in general, notwithstanding the many advantages that have been taken of us by individuals making purchases of us, the Six Nations, whose fraudulent conduct towards us Congress never has taken notice of, nor in any wise seen us rectified, nor made our minds easy. This is the case to the present day; our patience is now entirely worn out you see the difficulties we labor under, so that we cannot, at present, rise from our seats and attend your council at Venango agreeable to your invitation. The boundary line we pointed out we think is a just one, although the United States claim lands west of that line; the trifle that has been paid by the United States can be no object in comparison to what a peace would be.

" BROTHER : We are of the same opinion with the people of the United States; you consider yourselves as independent people, we, as the original inhabitants of this country and sovereigns of the soil, look upon ourselves as equally independent, and free as any other nations. This country was given to us by the Great Spirit above ; we wish to enjoy it, and have our passage along the lake within the line we have pointed out.

" BROTHER : The great exertions we have made, for this number of years, to accomplish a peace, have not been able to obtain it; our patience, as we have already observed, is exhausted, and we are discouraged from persevering any longer. We therefore throw ourselves under the protection of the Great Spirit above, who, we hope, will order all things for the best. "We have told you our patience is worn out; but not so far but that we wish for peace, and, whenever we hear that pleasing sound, we shall pay attention to it." [ The belt and speech sent by General Knox were then returned to General Chapin.]

Thus was extinguished the hope of a council of pacification at Venango ; and not only that, but the altered temper of the Six Nations seemed to threaten an augmentation of the hostile Indian power at the west, by the desertion to their cause of the whole of the Iroquois Confederacy, under a leader whose prowess and wisdom had both often been tested. In the mean time all the accounts from the west concurred in the fact, that the distant tribes were gathering for a renewal of the conflictencouraged as they were by promises of strong assistance from the English. The traders and the " mixed multitude " constituting the refugees and parti-colored inhabitants of Detroit, were doubtless active in promoting these hostilities, and very probably made promises to the credulous Chiefs as coming from Governor Simcoe, of which he himself was ignorant. Two Pottawattamies were taken prisoners on the 5th of June by the troops of General Wayne, who made a variety of disclosures upon this subject. They represented, and intelligence to that effect was dispatched to the interior tribes by their Chiefs, that Governor Simcoe was to march to their assistance with fifteen hundred men. He was giving them clothing and all necessary supplies, and " all the speeches received from him were red as blood. All the wampum and feathers were painted red ; the war-pipes and hatchets were red ; and even the tobacco was painted red." Several Shawanese prisoners, however, were soon afterward captured, who were less confident of English assistance. They said " they could not depend upon the British for effectual support; that they were always setting the Indians on like dogs after game, pressing them to go to war and kill the Americans, but did not help them."

Another influence was brought to bear upon the Indians of the west at this conjuncture, from a most unexpected quarter. It was the arrival at the Miamis Rapids, early in May, of a messenger from the Spanish settlements on the Mississippi, charged with a spirited war-speech to the confederacy. This messenger was conducted to the Miamis by a deputation from the Delawares, who had emigrated beyond the Mississippi four years previous. He admonished the confederates of the gathering of the " Big-Knives," meaning the troops of the United States, and offered assistance from the Spanish and French settlements in the south-west, who, he said, were preparing to come to their help.

"CHILDREN !" said the Spaniard, "you see me on my feet, grasping the tomahawk to strike them. We will strike together. I do not desire you to go before me, in the front, but to follow me.

" CHILDREN : I present you with a war-pipe, which has been sent in all our names to the Musquakies, and all those nations who live towards the setting sun, to get upon their feet and take hold of our tomahawk : and as soon as they smoked it, they sent it back with a promise to get immediately on their feet, and join us, and strike this enemy.

" CHILDREN : You hear what these distant nations have said to us, so that we have nothing farther to do but put our designs into immediate execution, and to forward this pipe to the three warlike nations who have so long been struggling for their country, and who now sit at the Glaize. Tell them to smoke this pipe, and forward it to all the lake Indians and their northern brethren. Then nothing will be wanting to complete our general union from the rising to the setting of the sun, and all nations will be ready to add strength to the blow we are going to make."* [Delivered a war-pipe.]

The Spaniard farther assured them that the Creeks, Cherokees, Choctaws and Chickasaws, had also charged him with a message, assuring them that their hearts were with the Confederacy, and that eleven nations of the southern Indians were then on their feet, with the hatchet in their hand, ready to strike their common enemy.

The Chiefs to whom these messages from the west and southwere delivered at the Rapids, immediately convened a council,
* MS. among the Brant papers.

composed of the Wyandots; Ottawas, Ghippewas, Mingoes, Munseys, and Nantikokes, before whom the intelligence was repeated. They were then addressed as follows:-

" BROTHERS: You have now heard the speeches brought to our council at the Glaize a few days ago from the Spaniards; and as soon as they heard them, and smoked the pipe, their hearts were glad, and they determined to step forward and put into execution the advice sent to them. They desire you to forward the pipe, as has been recommended, to all our northern brethren; not doubting but as soon as you have smoked it, you will follow their example, and they will hourly expect you to join them, as it will not be many days before the nearness ofour enemies will give us an opportunity of striking them."
[Delivered the pipe.]

Egonchonoy answered for all the nations present:-

" BROTHERS : I am happy at the good news you have told us, and we will immediately go and collect all our people, and be with you as soon as possible."*

There is mystery attached to this mission of the Spaniard, concerning which no farther information has been obtained. The Indians of the Confederacy were greatly encouraged by the assurances of assistance, and it will soon appear that some tribes came to their help from a very great distance. The employment of a Spanish Envoy, however, was a remarkable circumstance, and serves to strengthen the suspicions entertained by Washington two years before, that, even at that early day, the possessors of the estuary of the Mississippi, and of the vast Spanish territories above, had already become alarmed lest what has happened respecting that territory, would happen, unless the power of the United States should be crippled. But the promised Spanish and French assistance from that direction did not arrive, nor were the Confederates aided in their subsequent
* The reader must bear in mind that these speeches and proceedings of the Indian Councils, exclusively such, were written down by the British agents and offices among the Indians, who attended to assist them. The author finds many of them among the papers of Captain Brant-some from the Upper Lake tribes in French. The account of this Spanish writer, his message, and the consequent address to the Lake tribes, the author has found among these papers, signed by Colonel M'Kee as Deputy Agent of Indian Affairs, and the copy certified by Thomas Talbot. Several paragraphs of both addresses have been omitted, as not material to the history.
See Appendix, No. IX.

operations by the Creeks, Cherokees, and Chickasaws, as promised.

The United States were not inactive during these hostile movements and preparations among the Indians. General "Wayne, or Sukach-gook as he was called by the Indians,* was making the most vigorous preparations for opening the campaign with decision. Among other measures, it was determined, while he was approaching the Miami towns -with a force sufficient, as it was hoped, to end the war at a blow, to occupy a station at Presqu' Isle, and fortify it. This movement not only gave great uneasiness to the confederates, but, in connexion with another, of a different description, adopted by the State of Pennsylvania, had well-nigh driven the whole of the more ancient alliance of the Six Nations at once into hostilities against the United States under their old leader Thayendanegea. Pennsylvania, it seems, claimed a district of country on the south shore of Lake Erie, including Presqu' Isle, under color of a purchase from o the Corn-planter-which purchase the Six Nations, to whom the territory in question had belonged, held to be invalid. Regardless of the objections and remonstrances of the Indians, thus claiming proprietorship, the Corn-planter having, as they contended, sold it without authority, Pennsylvania was now planting settlers upon this territory and erecting an establishment at Presqu' Isle; at which aggression, as they esteemed it, Captain Brant and his nations were greatly incensed. A council was thereupon held, to take that and other subjects into consideration, at Buffalo, the sittings of which were commenced on the 24th of June. General Chapin was in attendance, at the urgent solicitation of the Indians, and Captain O'Bail (the Corn-planter) was the speaker. He complained first of the absence of several of their warriors, who were believed to have been killed by the Americans. One of their chiefs, Big Tree, he said, had some months before gone to the camp of the Americans in the most friendly manner, and had been put to death; while another of their warriors had been killed at Venango " while sitting easy and peaceable on his seat." He next entered upon the subject
* Sukach-gook is the Delaware name for black snake, which they called General Wayne by, saying that he possessed all the art and cunning of that reptile ; which was known to be the greatest destroyer of the small birds and animals of the snake tribe.-Hectewelder.
VOL. II.

of the Pennsylvania encroachments, of which he complained bitterly, insisting that the sale alleged to have been made by himself was not in any manner obligatory upon the Indians. The erection of the fort at Presqu' Isle was likewise a theme of complaint. The determination of the council was to send a delegation of their Chiefs into the disputed territory, to request a removal of the intruders; and General Chapin was solicited to accompany the deputation. He did so, but the mission was executed to no good purpose.

On the return of the delegation to Buffalo Creek, another council was held to receive the report. This convention was on the 4th of July. The report, being unfavorable, of course gave no satisfaction, and the Indians immediately manifested a still greater degree of alienation from the United States. The general boundary question was revived during the discussions, and an address from the council to the President, spoken by O'Bail, was written down, and transmitted by General Chapin. In this address the Indians re-asserted their determination to insist upon the Ohio and Muskingum boundary. The following is an extract:-

" GENERAL WASHINGTON, ATTEND ! "What gives us room for the making of so many speeches, is, because you relate all the former deceptions that have been used.

" GENERAL, WASHINGTON : I depend upon you to gratify our request, and that will make my mind easy. Sometimes I hear that I am going to flee from my seat, for the injuries I have done. These reflections make me so unhappy, that I am almost tempted to die with the Six Nations.

" BROTHER : We are determined now, as we were before, that the line shall remain. We have fully considered on the boundary we have marked out. We know all that we have received from time to time, and we think if you establish this line, it will make us about even.

" BROTHER: If you do not comply with our request, we shall determine on something else, as we are a free people.

" BROTHER : We are determined to be a free people. You know, General Washington, that we, the Six Nations, have always been able to defend ourselves, and we are still determined to maintain our freedom.

" BROTHER : You must not suspect, that any other nation corrupts our minds. The only thing that can corrupt our minds, is not to grant our request.

" BROTHER : If this favor is not granted, I wish that my son may be sent back with the answer, and tell me which side he means to join. If he wishes to join that side, he is at liberty." Although the name of Brant does not often occur in the proceedings of the councils touching the movement of Pennsylvania upon Sandusky, yet he was by no means a passive spectator of passing events. There were no hours of idleness in his life, and when not engaged in the field, or in attendance upon councils, or upon foreign missions, his mind was occupied in the work of improving the minds and morals, and adding to the comforts, of his own people. In the Spring of the present year he was engaged in the erection of a council-house for his nation at Grand River. But the Sandusky affair called him again to the field ; and while others were deliberating in council, and attempting to negotiate, the Chief was preparing to contest the disputed title by arms-directly aided, as will be seen from the following letter, by the Executive of Upper Canada;-

CAPTAIN BRANT TO COLONEL SMITH-("FOR GOVERNOR
SIMCOE."*)
"Grand River, 19 th July, 1794.

" SIR : I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 16th instant, enclosing the extracts his Excellency has been pleased to favor me with, for which I have to request you would have the goodness to thank his Excellency for me.

" I am much concerned to find that the Lake Indians think their belts completed.+ I foresaw the event,++ for which reason it has ever been my opinion that they should avoid coming to any considerable engagement, because it is a custom among theIndians, that after having struck a good blow, and having taken
* So filed in Brant's own hand, on the copy preserved among his papers.
+ Captain Brant had just received a letter from Detroit, dated on the 5th of July, one paragraph of which explains the signification of this expression; "The Mackinaw and Lake Indians, having completed the belts they carried, with scalps and prisoners, seem resolved on going home again. The return of these people will considerably weaken the defence expected from the collected sections of two thousand Indians."
++ Referring, doubtless, to an engagement between Little Turtle and Major
M'Mahon, which will be more particularly noted a page or two onward.

prisoners and scalps, they return home. Nevertheless I hope they will not go.

"In regard to the Presqu' Isle business, should -we not get an answer at the time limited, it is our business to push those fellows hard, and therefore it is my intention to form my camp at Pointe Appineau ; and I would esteem it a favor if his Excellency the Lieutenant Governor would lend me four or fire batteaux. Should it so turn out, and should those fellows not go off, and O'Bail continue in the same opinion, an expedition against those Yankees must of consequence take place.

" His Excellency has been so good as to furnish us with a cwt. of powder, and ball in proportion, which is now at Fort Erie ; but in the event of an attack upon Le Boeuf people, I could wish, if consistent, that his Excellency would order a like quantitity in addition to be at Fort Erie, in order to be in readiness: likewise I would hope for a little assistance in provisions.

'' I would request that his Excellency would favor me with an answer by the bearer, Seth. I would also trouble his Excellency in regard to those people who went with him to Detroit. They were promised to be handsomely rewarded, which as yet has not been done; and as they now expect to go upon service, they are rather impatient; and if it was convenient that they could be satisfied, either by borrowing goods, or otherwise, as his Excellency would think fit, I would be extremely happy.

" I understand some new regiments are raising, or to be raised. In that case I would consider myself much favored should Some of my relations, young men, have an equal chance of being provided for.

" A few days ago I sent seven men to Cadaragara, to remind O'Bail that he should watch any movement of those people* very narrowly; and that he should be ready to march immediately after the expiration of the time, should they not then evacuate that place."

The insertion of this letter at length is deemed important, showing, as it does, and that, too, beyond the power of contradiction, that the Indians were supplied purposely, with their munitions of war, by the officers of the British crown. The fact was denied by Great Britain, or at least it was argued, that
* The settlers at Presqu' Isle.

if the Indians drew their supplies from the Canadians, they were furnished by individuals, as such, over whose actions in the premises the government had no control. Independently of these circumstances, moreover, the detention of the boats, and the erection by Governor Sinclair of a new fortification, heretofore spoken of, on the Miamis of the Lakes, fifty miles South of Detroit, afforded strong evidence of a design on the part of Great Britain, to avail herself of the non-execution of that article in the treaty of peace stipulating for the payment of debts, for the purpose of establishing a new boundary line, by which the great lakes should be entirely comprehended in Upper Canada. An animated correspondence took place on the whole subject, between the American Secretary of State and Mr. Hammond, the diplomatic representative of Great Britain, in which a considerable degree of mutual irritation was displayed, and in which each supported the charges against the nation of the other much better than he defended his own.* Had the Secretary of State been in possession of the preceding letter from the Mohawk Chief, he would not have argued upon uncertainties-at least so far as a supply of powder and ball to the Indians by the Governor of Upper Canada would have sustained his case. In any event, the charge is now brought home with sufficient distinctness to put the question at rest. Captain Brant, however, found no occasion for a farther requisition upon his Excellency for ammunition at that time. The interposition of the President deterred Pennsylvania from the farther prosecution of her designs upon Presqu' Isle, and the projected expedition of the Six Nations was accordingly relinquished.

The desultory contest with the Indians, so long protracted, and at times so bloody, was now approaching its termination. On the 30th of June a sharp action took place under the walls of Fort Recovery-a fortress which had been thrown up by General Wayne on the battle-ground of St. Clair's defeat. The primary object of the Indians, who were the assailants, was the capture of a large number of pack-horses, recently arrived at that fort with provisions, which were returning to Fort Grenville, guarded by a company of cavalry under Captain Gibson, and a detachment of ninety riflemen, the whole under the com-
* Marshall.

mand of Major M'Mahon. Taken by surprise, and finding the Indians in great force, the Americans sought speedy refuge within the walls of the fort. The Indians were led by the distinguished Miami Chief, Little Turtle. Pressing close upon the garrison, with an evident design to carry it, the moment M'Mahon's troops had regained the fortress a fire was opened upon the assailants, which drove them back with great slaughter. They rallied again, however, and maintained the engagement through the day, but keeping at a more respectful distance. The night, which was thick and foggy, was employed by them in removing their dead by torch-light. On the next day the assault was renewed; but the Indians were ultimately compelted to retreat, with loss and disappointment, from the field of their former triumph. Both in advance and-retreat, in this expedition, the Indians marched with perfect order. Their encampments were square and regular, and they moved upon the fort in seventeen columns, at wide distances apart. Many white men were in their ranks, supposed to be the inhabitants and militia of Detroit. Officers in British uniform were likewise so near the scene of action as to be distinctly discerned. Several valuable officers of Major M'Mahon's corps fell at the first onset, among whom was the gallant Major himself. The total loss of the Americans was twenty-two killed and thirty wounded The Indians suffered very severely. In their retreat it was ascertained that a large number of pack-horses were literally loaded with their slain. Such, at least, were the facts in regard to this affair, as derived from the most ample and apparently authentic accounts of the Americans. Nor did the Indian accounts differ from the American as widely as is often the case between opposite statements of antagonist parties. As an evidence of which, and to show how accurately and promptly Captain Brant was advised of the progress and events of the war, the following extract is given from his correspondence :-

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER TO CAPTAIN BRANT.
" Detroit, July 5, 1794.

" An attack was made on the 30th of June by the Indians, on three hundred pack-horses returning to Fort Grenville; from whence they came the day before with provisions. All of these, with the pack-horsemen, were either taken or killed close by Fort Recovery, together with thirty bullocks Captain Gibson, the officer commanding, on perceiving the attack made on his horses, ordered a troop of dragoons, or light-horse, to charge the Indians, and at the same time he drew up his garrison in front of the fort, as if with a design to sustain his cavalry. But they were all beaten back in a few minutes, and pursued to the gate of the fort, with the loss of about fifty men and upward of twenty-five horses. The loss of the Indians commenced from this period: for they kept up a useless attack upon the fort, while the troops within were firing at them through loop-holes. Seventeen were killed, and as many wounded.

" The Mountain Leader was killed two days before the action, by a scouting party of the Hurons. He was the chief of the Chickasaws. Wells, (a scout from Wayne's army,) was killed in the engagement; and May is reported to be so by one of three prisoners who were taken, together with two more Chickasaws. Captain Gibson and two other officers are also among the killed.

" My information states that these prisoners report there are sixty Chickasaws with their army, twenty of whom are at Fort Recovery and forty at Fort Grenville. They also say that the horses which are now taken and killed, were the only means General Wayne had of transporting provisions-that he was to commence his campaign about the middle of next month- waiting for an augmentation of his force of three thousand militia from Kentucky-and that he is to build a fort at the Glaize and proceed from thence to Detroit.

" The Chiefs of several nations are now in council at the Glaize, adopting measures to re-unite their force if possible."

Taught by the unfortunate experience of Harmar and St. Clair, General Wayne moved not but with the utmost caution, and all the preparation which a prudent forecast required. He had not therefore advanced beyond Fort Recovery until sufficient strength had been concentrated, and such other dispositions made as would enable him not only to strike a decisive blow, but retain possession of the country he might conquer. The delays incident to these preparations carried the active prosecution of the campaign into midsummer. The richest and most extensive towns of the hostile Indians lay about the confluence of the Au Glaize and the Miamis of the Lakes. At this place General Wayne arrived on the 8th of August, where some works of defence were thrown up for the protection of the magazines. It was thirty miles thence to the Rapids, where, as has been already seen, Governor Simcoe had recently erected a strong fortress, fifty miles within the stipulated and understood boundary, as between the British possessions and those of the United States. At this latter place, in the immediate neighborhood of the fort, the Indian forces were collected to the number of nearly two thousand. The Continental legion under General Wayne was of about equal strength, exclusive of eleven hundred mounted Kentuckians under General Scott. Here the BLACK SNAKE had intended to surprise the neighboring villages of the enemy ; and the more effectually to ensure the success of his coup de main, he had not only advanced thus far by an obscure and very difficult route, but taken pains to clear out two roads from Greenville in that direction, in order to attract and divert the attention of the Indians while he marched upon neither. But his generalship proved of no avail. The Little Turtle was too wary a leader to be taken by surprise-to say nothing of the desertion of a villain named Newman, an officer in the Quarter-master General's department, who gave the Indians warning of Wayne's advance. Little Turtle thereupon retired to the Rapids ; and having been apprized by the deserter of the strength of the Americans, determined to give battle, and made dispositions for that object.

Having learned on the 12th, from Indian prisoners who were brought in, the position of the enemy, in close proximity to the British garrison at the Rapids, and being yet desirous of bringing the Indians to terms, if possible, without the farther effusion of blood, the American commander despatched another messenger of peace. The name of the envoy selected for the occasion was Miller-a man who had been so long a captive among the Indians as to have acquired their language. He was exceedingly reluctant to undertake the hazardous enterprise. But being strongly urged upon the service, with an assurance from the General that eight of the Indian warriors, who were prisoners, should be held as pledges of his safety, he at last assented- taking two of the prisoners, a warrior and a squaw, along with him. He was received in a very hostile mood, and his life threatened. But addressing them in their own language, displaying a flag, and explaining the object of his visit, the menacing blow was suspended, and he was placed in confinement while the Chiefs deliberated in council upon the letter from the General, of which he was the bearer. Assuring them that every prisoner in the American camp would be put to death unless he should be sent back in safety before the 16th, he was liberated on the preceding day-with a message to Wayne, that if he waited where he was ten days, they would then treat with him, but if he advanced at an earlier day they would fight. Impatient of delay, however, Wayne had taken up his line of march on the 15th-the day of Miller's release. The message which he met did not check his advance, and the General arrived in the vicinity of the Rapids on the 18th. The 19th was occupied in reconnoitring the positions of the enemy, and throwing up a slight fortification for the protection of the stores, which was appropriately named Fort Deposite.

The enemy had taken post behind a thick wood, rendered almost inaccessible by a dense growth of under-brush and fallen timber, marking the track of a tornado, and almost under the guns of the fort that had been erected by Simcoe. Their left was secured by the rocky bank of the river. The Americans advanced for the attack early on the morning of the 20th. At about ten o'clock, having proceeded nearly five miles, the advance guard, commanded by Major Price, received so brisk afire from the enemy, who were secreted in the woods and the tall grass, as to compel it to fall back. The ground was most happily chosen by the enemy for their mode of warfare, so obstructed and difficult of access as to render it almost impossible for the cavalry to act. Immediately on the attack upon the corps of Major Price, the legion was formed in two lines and moved rapidly forward. The thick forest and old broken wood already described, extended to the left of the army several miles- the right resting on the river. The Indians were formed in three lines within supporting distance of each other, and extending for about two miles at right angles with the river. The American commander soon discovered, from the weight of his fire, and the extent of his lines, that it was the design of the enemy to turn his left flank. The second line was thereupon ordered to advance in support of the first, while, by a circuitous route, Scott was directed with his Kentuckians to turn the enemy's right. In concert with this movement, the front line was ordered by General Wayne to charge with trailed arms, and rouse the Indians from their covert at the point of the bayonet. Having started them up, the Americans were directed to fire, and charge them so closely as to allow no time for re-loading. The open ground by the river permitted the movements of cavalry, with which the right flank of the enemy was gained and turned. Indeed, such were the promptness of movement on the part of the Americans, and the impetuosity of the charge of the first line of infantry, that the Indians, together with the Detroit militia and volunteers, were driven from all their coverts in so brief a space of time that the mounted men, though making every possible exertion to press forward, were many of them unable to gain their proper positions to participate in the action. In the course of an hour, the enemy, notwithstanding all the embarrassments of the ground already enumerated, were driven more than two miles, by a force of less than half their numbers actually engaged. The victory was complete and decisive; both Indians and their allies, composed of the " mixed multitude" already more than once referred to, abandoning themselves to flight in terror and dismay,-leaving the field of battle in the quiet possession of the Americans. The commanding General stated in his official report of the action, that " it was terminated under the influence of the guns of the British garrison,"- the pursuit having continued until they were within reach of those guns. The loss of the Americans in killed and wounded, including officers, was one hundred and seven. Among the slain was Captain Campbell, commanding the cavalry, who fell in the first charge.*

The loss of the Indians is not known. It must, however, have been very severe. Seven Nations were engaged in the action, viz: the Miamis, Wyandots, the Pottawattamies, Delawares,
* It was in this memorable action that Captain Solomon (now General Van Rensselaer) of Albany, an officer of dragoons, received a wound in the commencement of the battle, by being shot through the lungs. General Wilkinson, who was also in the battle, states, in his Memoirs, that Van Rensselaer kept his horse, and continued fighting until the blood spurted from his mouth and nostrils. General Van Rensselaer was afterward dreadfully wounded in half a dozen places, at the daring assault upon Queenston Heights in 1812. He yet lives, and, after having served the State of New-York several years as Adjutant General, and been repeatedly elected to Congress, has for the last fifteen years held the office of Post-master in Albany.

Shawanese, Chippewas, Ottawas, and a portion of the Senecas. All the Chiefs of the Wyandots engaged in the battle, being nine in number, were killed.* Great slaughter was made by the legionary cavalry in the pursuit, so many of the savages being cut down with the sabre, that the title of " Long Knives" years before given to the Americans, was brought again into general use among the Indians.+ It was believed by many that the Indians would not have incurred this signal disaster had the advice of the Little Turtle been heeded. He was opposed to the policy of a general engagement at that time, and it has even been asserted that he was rather inclined to peace. During the night preceding the engagement, the Chiefs of the several tribes were in council, and a proposition was submitted to make a night attack upon the Americans in their encampment. The proposal was overruled, and a general engagement on the following morning was determined upon. Little Turtle alone was opposed to the plan, while Blue Jacket, a Shawanese warrior of high character and influence, strenuously supported the course adopted by the council. Colonel M'Kee was in the council, and is believed to have urged the Indians to fight. Little Turtle was inspired with a presentiment that they could not successfully encounter the Black Snake. " We have beaten the enemy," said the Turtle, " twice, under separate commanders. We cannot expect the same good fortune always to attend us. The Americans are now led by a chief who never sleeps. The night and the day are alike to him: and during all the time that he has been marching upon our villages, notwithstanding the watchfulness of our young men, we have never been able to surprise him. Think well of it. There is something whispers me it would be prudent to listen to his offers of peace." For holding language like this, he was reproached by some of the Chiefs with cowardice, and that ended the conference. Stung to the quick by an imputation which he was conscious he had never merited, he would have laid the reviler dead at his feet; but his was not the bravery of an assassin. Suppressing his resentment, he took part in the battle, and performed his duty with his wonted bravery. The event proved that he had not formed an erroneous estimate of the

* Drake's Book of the Indians. +Thatcher's Lives of the Indian Chiefs.

character of Wayne; and that his rival, Blue Jacket, though equally brave, was less of a prophet than himself.*

Excepting the militia and refugees gathered about Detroit, the British or Canadian authorities took no part in the battle, but the direction in which ran their sympathies could not be mistaken, from the tone of a somewhat tart correspondence occurring after the battle, between General Wayne and Major Campbell, commanding the British garrison. On the day after the engagement, Major Campbell addressed a note to General Wayne, expressing his surprise at the appearance of an American force at a point almost within reach of his guns, and asking in what light he was to view such near approaches to the garrison which he had the honor to command. General Wayne, without questioning the propriety of the interrogatory, replied, that even were the Major entitled to an answer, " the most full and satisfactory one was announced the day before from the muzzles of his small arms, in an action with a horde of savages in the vicinity of the fort, and which terminated gloriously to the American arms." But, added the General, " had it continued until the Indians were driven under the influence of the fort and guns mentioned, they would not have much impeded the progress of the victorious army under my command, as no such post was established at the commencement of the present " war between the Indians and the United States." Major Campbell rejoined, complaining that men, with arms in their hands, were approaching within pistol shot of his works, where his Majesty's flag was flying, and threatened hostilities should such insults to that flag be continued. Upon the receipt of this letter, General Wayne caused the fort to be closely reconnoitered in every direction. It was found to be a strong and regular work, with two bastions upon the rear and most accessible face of it, mounting eight pieces of artillery upon that side and four upon the front facing the river. This duty having been discharged, General Wayne addressed a letter to the British commander, disclaiming, of course, as Major Campbell had previously done, any desire to resort to harsh measures ; but denouncing the erection of that fortress as the highest act of aggression toward the United States, and requiring him to desist
* Schoolcraft's Travels. Thatcher, Drake.

from any farther act of hostility, and to retire with his troops to the nearest British post occupied by British troops at the peace of 1783. To this requisition, Major Campbell answered that he should not abandon the post at the summons of any power whatever, unless in compliance with orders from those under whom he served. He likewise again warned the American commander, not to approach within the reach of his guns without expecting the consequences that would attend it. The only notice taken of this last letter was, by immediately, setting fire to, and destroying every thing within view of the fort, and even under the muzzles of his Britannic Majesty's guns. But no attempt was made by Major Campbell to carry his, threat into execution. Among the property thus destroyed were barns and fields of corn, above and below the fort, together with the barns, stores, and property of Colonel-M'Kee, the British Indian Agent and principal stimulator of the war between the United States and the savages."* The American army lay three days before the fort, when it returned to the Grand Glaize, arriving at that place on the 28th of August. A vast destruction of Indian property took place during this expedition. The Miamis and Grand Glaize ran through the heart of the country of the hostile Indians. " The very extensive and highly cultivated fields and gardens showed the work of many hands. The margins of those beautiful rivers the Miamis of the lakes, and the Au Glaize," wrote General Wayne, "appeared like one continued village for many miles; nor have I ever before beheld such immense fields of corn in any part of America, from Canada to Florida."+ All were laid waste for twenty miles on each side of the river, and forts erected to prevent the return of the Indians.

There is reason to believe that the Indians were grievously disappointed in the conduct of Major Campbell during the action. Among the papers of Captain Brant, is the copy of a letter addressed by him to Sir John Johnson, in April, 1799, wherein the Baronet is reminded of various wrongs alleged to have been suffered by the Indians, at the hands even of his Majesty's government. The following remarkable passage in this letter induces a belief that the Indians expected that, in the event of
* Letter of General Wayne. State Papers, Vol. IV.
+ Letter of General Wayne to the Secretary of War.

defeat, the garrison would come to their succor, or, at least, that the gates of the fortress would be thrown open to them as a place of refuge on their retreat:-" In the first place," wrote the Mohawk Chief to Sir John, " the Indians were engaged in a war to assist the English-then left in the lurch at the peace, to fight alone until they could make peace for themselves. After repeatedly defeating the armies of the United States; so that they sent Commissioners to endeavor to get peace, the Indians were so advised as prevented them from listening to any terms, and hopes were given to them of assistance. A fort was even built in their country, under pretence of giving refuge in case of necessity ; but when that time came, the gates were shut against them as enemies. They were doubly injured by this, because they relied on it for support, and were deceived. Was it not for this reliance of mutual support, their conduct would have been different. I imagine that your own knowledge of these things, and judgment, will point out to you the necessity of putting the line of conduct with the Indians on a more honorable footing, and come as nigh as possible to what it was in the time of your father."

Considering the distance, and the difficulties of travelling at that time, intelligence of the disaster which had befallen his Indian friends was very rapidly conveyed to Governor Simcoe at Niagara, and by him communicated to Captain Brant in the following letter:-

GOVERNOR SIMCOE TO CAPTAIN BRANT.
" Navy Hall, 29th August, 1794.
" DEAR SIR,

" I understand that the Indians and Wayne had an action on the 20th near McCormack's; that the Indians, who amounted to nine hundred, retreated with the loss of some principal chiefs of the Hurons, Ottawas, and Shawanese; a deserter reports that the Americans lost an hundred men.

" The Wyandots, and a friend* of your's, most gallantly covered the retreat.

"The Indians having retreated to the Miami Bay, Major Campbell was summoned to deliver the post, which of course
* Although the fact does not appear, yet it is believed that a goodly number of the Mohawk warriors were in the battle against Wayne, and Brant was likewise to

he refused, and reports that he considered it tenable against Wayne's force.

" The Indians having placed their women and children in safety, have again moved forward to an advantageous position, I imagine Swan Creek, where they wait for reinforcements, and I hope will recover their spirits.

" All the militia on the La Branche are gone to Detroit.
" I shall proceed in the first vessel, and am, in great haste, your faithful humble servant, " J.G. SIMCOE.
" To Captain Brant,"

The difficulties between Great Britain and the United States not having yet been adjusted, and a war between the two nations continuing still a probable event, it suited not the Canadian authorities to allow the Indians to conclude a peace, notwithstanding their signal overthrow. The north-western posts, moreover, within the territory not only of the far west, but within the boundaries of the State of New-York; were obstinately retained, while an attempt was made to grasp additional territory on the south side of Lake Ontario. It was during the Summer of this year, that Captain Williamson commenced a settlement on the Great Sodus Bay, about forty miles from Oswego; and in this same month of August, Governor Simcoe despatched Lieut. Sheaff to that place, to demand by what authority such an establishment was forming, and that it should be immediately relinquished.* General Simcoe himself, pursuant to the intimation in his letter to Brant, hastened to the west, as also did the Chief,
have been in the field with them. Several years afterward, Brant stated these facts in a conversation with the venerable Jacob Snell, Esq. yet living (1837) in Palatine. The Chief stated to Mr. Snell that he obtained the ammunition used by the Indians, himself, at Quebec, and that he should have led his Mohawks in person but was detained by sickness.

* Marshall. Captain Williamson being absent from Sodus at the time of Lieut. Sheaff's visit, that officer left a written declaration of which the following is a copy:-"I am commanded to declare that, during the inexecution of the treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United States, and until the existing difficulties respecting it shall be mutually and finally adjusted, the taking possession of any part of the Indian territory, either for the purposes of war or sovereignty, is held to be a direct violation of his Britannic Majesty's rights, as they unquestionably existed before the treaty, and has an immediate tendency to interrupt, and in its progress to destroy, that good understanding which has hitherto subsisted between his Britannic Majesty and the United States of America. I therefore require you to desist from any such aggression."

attended by one hundred and fifty of his warriors-evidently for the purpose of continuing in the exercise of an unfriendly influence upon the minds of the Indians against the United States. The Governor was at the fort near the battle-field, on the 30th of September, as also were Captain Brant and Colonel M'Kee. The Indians had already made some advances to General Wayne toward a negotiation for peace ; but their attention was diverted by Simcoe and Brant, who invited a council of the hostile nations to assemble at the mouth of the Detroit river on the 10th of October. This invitation was accepted, as also was an invitation from General Wayne, who was met by a few of their Chiefs; so that the wily savages were in fact sitting in two councils at once, balancing chances, and preparing to make peace only in the event of finding little farther encouragement to fight.

At the council on the 10th of October, the Wyandot Chiefs addressed Governor Simcoe as follows:-

" FATHER : We request of you to give your sentiments candidly : we have been these many years in wars and troubles: you have, from time to time, promised us your assistance. When is your promise to be fulfilled ?"

THEIR FATHER'S ANSWER.

" CHILDREN : Your question is very difficult to be answered. I will relate an ancient history, perhaps before any of you here were born. When I first came into this country, I found it in the possession of your fathers, the French. We soon became enemies of each other. In time, the Great Spirit above gave the conquest in my favor. In those days the United States were my subjects. We lived in this state for many years after. At last the Americans began to act independently, which caused a rupture between us. The contest lasted for a while. At last we made peace. From that period they have been encroaching upon your lands. I looked on as a spectator-never would say a word, they have even named the rivers that empty themselves into the Ohio.

" CHILDREN : I am still of the opinion that the Ohio is your right and title. I have given orders to the commandant of Port Miami to fire on the Americans whenever they make their appearance again. I will go down to Quebec, and lay your grievances before the great man. From thence they will be forwarded to the King, your father. Next Spring you will Know the result of every thing, what you and I will do."

The particulars of this council, and the labors of Governor Simcoe and Captain Brant in otherwise tampering with the Indians, transpired through some prisoners taken by General Wayne, and also through the means of a confidential deputation of the Wyandots of Sandusky, who were disposed to peace. According to their statements, Governor Simcoe advised them not to listen to any terms of pacification, which did not secure to them their long-contested boundary. He moreover proposed to them to convey all their lands west of that river to the King, in trust, that a pretext might be furnished for a direct interposition of his Majesty's arms in their behalf. In furtherance of this object, he advised them to obtain a cessation of hostilities until the Spring following ; when a great council of all the warriors and tribes should take place, which might call upon the British for assistance. The English would at that time be prepared to attack the Americans from every quarter, and would drive them back across the Ohio, and compel the restoration to the Indians of their lands.

Captain Brant's counsel was to the same effect. He told them to keep a good heart and be strong ; to do as their father advised ; that he would return home at present with his warriors, and come again in the Spring with a stronger force. They would then have the whole Summer before them for operations, and the Americans would not be able to stand before them. He had always been successful, and with the force they would then tee able to bring into the field, he would ensure them a victory. He told them, however, that he could not attack the Americans at that time, as it could do no good, but would bring them out against the Indians with more troops in the Winter. He therefore advised the Chiefs to amuse the Americans with a prospect of peace until the Spring, when the Indians might be able to fall upon and vanquish them unexpectedly.

There was considerable division of opinion in the council; the Wyandots being inclined to peace, and also portions of the other tribes. But large presents were given, and the counsels of Brant and Governor Simcoe prevailed-the Indians returning to their temporary homes, consisting of huts and tents in the neighborhood of the fort at the Rapids. Captain Brant,
VOL. II. 26

however, left these councils under high displeasure toward the Chiefs of the three principal tribes, in consequence of some neglect which he construed into an insult. What was the precise nature of the circumstances, his papers do not disclose. But among those papers, is a letter from seven of the Chiefs of those tribes, coached in terms of humble apology. The following passages are cited from this letter :-

" The Chiefs of the three nations are very sorry, and in great trouble, that Colonel Brant was obliged to leave them so precipitately ; that it was their intention to be in the greatest friend; ship with him, and that they intended to hold council with him immediately after that with the Governor was finished.

" They sincerely hope Colonel Brant will take their apology for not waiting upon him when his messenger arrived with his pipe. They own themselves much in fault, but are willing by their future services to convince him that they esteem and honor him.

"In token of friendship they send Colonel Brant their Union belt of wampum, as a pledge that they now will, and their children in future generations will, be in peace and unity with him and the Six Nations, and wish a correspondence to commence immediately by express between them, on the most friendly terms.

" They have heard with grief that Colonel Brant departed hence with a heavy heart and full of sorrow for their negligence and misbehavior, and therefore send him an additional string of wampum to enlighten his heart, and renew friendship with him."*

Such was the posture of Indian affairs at the close of the year 1794; and the prospect then was, certainly; that another campaign of active hostilities must ensue. But it was otherwise ordered. The Indians themselves were growing weary of the contest, and becoming more and more convinced that they could not contend successfully against the Americans, of whose leader, General Wayne, they stood in great fear. Before the close of
* This letter, or " speech " as it was called, was signed as follows-the name being written in full by a gentleman named William Bailey, who subscribes the paper as a witness, and each Chief drawing his own mark rudely with the pen :- AQUSHUA, the mark of a Fox: SOWOSAY-a Beaver: QUAGEEWON-a Crane CUCHERWASKISEEGUA-a Hatchet : BOUEMAWCUTUS--a Wolf : GOWSOWAIMSE-a Turtle; CLAPPUM-an Arrow-head.

the season, it was ascertained that the warriors from a distance were re-crossing the Mississippi, declaring that it was useless to attempt longer to fight. In March, the difficulties between the United States and Great Britain were adjusted by the treaty of Mr. Jay, which, despite the influence of France and the fierce clamors of the democratic opposition, General Washington had the sagacity and firmness to ratify; so that the Indians were deprived of even the expectation of farther assistance from the accustomed quarter. The restlessness of the Six Nations, the Mohawks excepted, had been quieted by the victory of Wayne: so that no farther support could be anticipated from that direction. The result of all these circumstances was, that by the treaty of Greenville, concluded with the hostile Indians by General Wayne, on the 3d of August, 1795, the long, expensive, and destructive war, which had for so many years desolated that frontier, was terminated in a manner perfectly satisfactory to the United States. In the language of Captain Brant in one of his speeches delivered long afterward, " the Indians, convinced by those in the Miami fort, and other circumstances, that they were mistaken in their expectations of any assistance from Great Britain, did not longer oppose the Americans with their wonted unanimity. The consequence was, that General Wayne, by the peaceable language he held to them, induced them to hold a treaty at his own head-quarters, in which he concluded a peace entirely on his own terms." With this event closed the military career of Joseph Brant-Thayendanegea.

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