Three Rivers
Hudson~Mohawk~Schoharie
History From America's Most Famous Valleys

Life of Joseph Brant-Thayendanegea

Including the Indian Wars of the American Revolution

by William L. Stone. Volume II

Buffalo: Phinney & Co., 1851.

Chapter XVI.

Account of the family of Brant subsequent to his death-Catharine Brant-The line of descent among the Mohawks-John Brant, the youngest son, appointed to the Chieftainship-The war of 1812-General Van Rensselaer on the Niagara frontier-Preparations for a descent upon Queenston Heights-First attempt frustrated-Arrangement for a second movement-Arrival of Lieutenant-colonel Scott on the line--His efforts to accompany the expedition-Landing of Colonel Soloman Van Rensselaer and his party-Intrepidity of the attack-Van Rensselaer and others grievously wounded-Captain Wool carries the Heights-Advance of General Brock-His defeat and fall-Arrival of Lieutenant-colonel Scott, upon the Heights-Attack of the Indians-General Sheaffe advances from Niagara with reinforcements-Battle-The Americans driven down the Heights -Attempts of Scott to capitulate-His flag-bearers shot down-Determines to bear a flag himself-A young Indian leaps upon him like a tiger-His rescue- Interview with General Sheaffe-Capitulation-March to Niagara-Remarkable interview between Scott and two Indians at Niagara, the younger of whom was John Brant-Base poltroonry of the militia-Battle of the Beaver-dams-Close of young Brant's military life-Removes to the Brant House with his sister-Account of the family by Lieutenant Hall-Visit of the British Consul to the Brant House-Controversy of John Brant with Archdeacon Strachan-He visits England respecting the ancient land-title controversy-Succeeds with the ministers- Disappointed by the Colonial Government-Correspondence with Campbell respecting the memory of his father-Attention to the moral wants of his people- Correspondence respecting the Mohawk schools-Presentation of a silver cup- His election to the Provincial Parliament-Seat contested-Death by cholera-His character-Farther notices of the family-Description of his sister, and of his successor-Death of Catharine Brant-Conclusion.

CATHARINE BRANT, the widow of Thayendanegea, was firty-eight years old at the time of his decease. According to the constitution of the Mohawks, which, like that of Great Britain, is unwritten, the inheritance descends through the female line exclusively. Consequently the superior chieftainship does not descend to the eldest male; but the eldest female, in what may be called the royal line, nominates one of her sons or other descendants, and he thereby becomes the chief. If her choice does not fall upon her own son, the grandson whom she invests with the office must be the child of her daughter. The widow of Thayendanegea was the eldest daughter of the head chief of the Turtle tribe-first in rank of the Mohawk nation. In her own right, therefore, on the decease of her husband, she stood at the head of the Iroquois Confederacy, alone clothed with power to designate a successor to the chieftaincy. The official title of the principal chief of the Six Nations, is TEKARIHOGEA , to which station JOHN, the fourth and youngest son, whose Indian name was AHYOUWAIGHS, was appointed.

On the removal of the old Chief, Thayendanegea, to his new establishment at the head of Lake Ontario, he had adopted the English mode of living, and arranged his household accordingly. Mrs. Brant, however,-the Queen mother she might be styled in Europe-preferred the customs of her people, and soon after the death of her husband returned to the Mohawk Village on the Grand River, where she ever afterward resided.

The young Chief was born at the Mohawk Village on the 27th of September, 1794-being at the time of his father's decease thirteen years of age. He received a good English education at Ancaster and Niagara, under the tuition of a Mr. Richard Cockrel; but through life improved his mind greatly, by the study of the best English authors, by associations with good society, and by travel. He was a close and discriminating observer of the phenomena of nature, upon which he reasoned in a philosophical spirit. Amiable and manly in his feelings and character, and becoming well acquainted with English literature, his manners were early developed as those of an accomplished gentleman.

When the war of 1812-'15, between the United States and England, broke out, the Mohawks, true to their ancient faith, espoused the cause of the latter, and the Teharlhogea took the field with his warriors. He was engaged in many of the actions on the Niagara frontier, in all of which his bearing was chivalrous and his conduct brave. His first effort was at the battle of Queenston-commenced so auspiciously for the American arms by the gallant and daring Van Rensselaer, and ended so disastrously by reason of the cowardice of the militia on the American side, who refused to cross the river and secure the victory which had been so bravely won.

There were incidents marking that battle, however, involving the conduct of the young Chief, and connected with the life of an American officer whose name from that day forth has been identified with the military glory of his country, which forbid that the transaction should be thus summarily despatched. Aside, moreover, from the part borne by John Brant in the battle, and the exciting incidents to be related, sufficient of themselves to form a chapter that might well be entitled " the romance of history," many facts connected with that singular engagement have to this day remained unwritten.

The command of the Niagara section of the American frontier, during the Autumn of 1812, had been committed by Governor Tompkins to Major General Stephen Van Rensselaer, the senior officer of the State Cavalry of New-York. Attached to his staff was Colonel Solomon Van Rensselaer; an officer who, as a subaltern in the regular service, had signalized himself by his undaunted bravery, and coolness and intrepidity in action, during the Indian wars, and particularly under the command of General Wayne at the Miamis. The situation of General Van Rensselaer had been exceedingly embarrassing during the whole period of his command, or nearly three months before the movement under review. His 'selection for that post by the Commander-in-chief of New-York, considering the adverse state of their political relations, was deemed an equivocal act on the part of the Governor. But, although opposed to the policy of the war, and in the possession of the first paternal estate in America, and in the enjoyment of every blessing which can sweeten life, General Van Rensselaer hesitated not to comply with the call of his country, and took the field immediately.* After reconnoitering the frontier from Ogdensburgh to Lake Erie, he determined to establish his head-quarters at Lewiston, on the Strait of Niagara. After the failure of the expedition of General Hull, who had been ingloriously captured with his army at Detroit, the next point of attack upon the enemy's country was obviously the Canadian peninsula at Niagara. But the season for active military operations had almost glided away under the tardy levy of regular troops, and the uncertain assemblages of the militia; and it was October before General Van Rensselaer found himself in force to warrant offensive operations. His solicitude, not only for the interests of the public service and the honor of his country, but for his own reputation, determined him to strike a blow at the enemy if possible,+ in order to obtain a position for winter-quarters on the Canada shore.. Added to which was the manifestation of a strong and impatient desire by the militia to be led against the enemy. This desire rose to such a height that resistance seemed scarcely possible, and patriotism was apparently passing the limits of subordination.++ Indeed, the determination of the militia was expressed to the
* Memoirs of General Wilkinson. + Ibid.
++ Low's History of the War.

General through various channels, is an alternative, that they must have orders to act against the enemy or they would go home.* Nor was the General himself less desirous of action than his troops professed to be. He felt that the disgrace of the American arms at Detroit, at the opening of the campaign, could only be wiped away by a brilliant close of it; and that unless a signal blow should be struck, the public expectation would be disappointed; all the toil and expense of the campaign would be thrown away; and, worse than all, the whole would be tinged with dishonor.+

Impressed by considerations like these, and encouraged by the apparent desire of the militia to take the field, dispositions were made for an attack upon Queenston Heights, with a view of moving thence upon Fort George at Niagara, which it was proposed to carry by storm, and then take up the quarters of the army there, for the winter-an excellent position for obtaining supplies, and making the necessary arrangements for opening the campaign early in the following Spring, ++ General Brock, the British commander on the opposite shore of the river, was watching the motions of the Americans with unwearied vigilance; but a spy, who had been despatched across the river, having returned with the erroneous information that that office? had moved in the direction of Detroit with all his disposable force, arrangements were made by General Van Rensselaer for crossing the river and attacking Queenston Heights early on the morning of the 11th of October. The design, however, was frustrated, either by the ignorance, the cowardice, or the treachery of a boatman, who had been selected as the leading waterman for his skill and steadiness. The enterprise was to be led by Colonel Solomon Van Renssalaer.-" The corps designated for the expedition, and principally composed of " militia, assembled punctually and in good order at the place of rendezvous, and, with the exception of the weather, which was wet and windy, everything wore a propitious aspect. But " when, after long and patiently abiding the pelting of a north-easterly storm, the embarkation was ordered and the boats call-
* General Van Renaselaer's official report.
+ Letter of General Van Rensselaer to Governor Tompkins, Oct. 8, 1812.
++ Ibid.

ed for, none were found to be in readiness', and on inquiry it was discovered that the person having charge of them had not only withdrawn himself, but had carried with him all the oars necessary for the service. For this unexpected occurrence there was no remedy but patience ; the expedition was accordingly suspended, and the troops sent back to their cantonments."*

The impatience of the militia continuing, and having received a reinforcement of three hundred and fifty regular troops under Lieutenant-colonel Chrystie, the General determined to renew the attempt before daylight on the morning of the 13th. Colonel Van Rensselaer was to command the expedition as before, and lead the attack with three hundred militia, to be followed by Lieutenant-colonel Chrystie with three hundred regulars. Lieutenant-colonels Chrystie and Fenwick had agreed to waive rank, and serve under Colonel Van Rensselaer. Lieutenant-colonel Fenwick, with Major Mullaney, was to follow Chrystie with three hundred and fifty regular troops and some pieces of artillery, after whom the greater body of the militia were to succeed in order. Such is an outline of the dispositions for the movement on the morning of the 13th of October. Meantime Lieutenant-colonel, (now Major-general Scott) has arrived with his regiment of artillery at Schlosser, two miles above the Falls, and twelve from Lewiston, on the day before the engagement. Having heard from Colonel Stranahan, of the Otsego militia, whose regiment, stationed at the Falls, was on the move, that an expedition of some kind was contemplated by General Van Rensselaer, Scott, then young, and ardent as lie is now, impatient of an early opportunity to meet an enemy, mounted his horse and rode full speed to Lewiston. He forthwith presented himself to the Commanding General, from whombhe learned the character of the enterprise on foot, and of whom he solicited the privilege of taking a part. The General replied that the details had all been arranged-that Colonel Solomon Van Rensselaer was to have the command, and that lieutenant-colonels Fenwick and Chrystie had waived their rank, and were to serve under that officer. But such was the urgency of Scott, that the General gave him permission to accompany
* General Armstrong's Notices on the war of 1812.

the expedition as a volunteer, if he also would waive his rank.
This proposition was declined; but as Scott was anxious to bring his regiment down to Lewiston, it was ultimately stipulated that he might select a position upon the bank of the river, and use his artillery to such advantage as opportunity might afford. Under this arrangement he hastened back to his regiment at Schlosser, which, although wearied by its long journey, was nevertheless, by a forced march, over horrible roads, brought down to Lewiston all in good time in the evening. Scott again. importuned for permission to participate directly in the enterprise. But in vain. Had he been in the field, his rank in the line of the regular service would have given him the command of a Colonel of militia-in which only Van Rensselaer bore a commission ; and as the whole project had originated with the latter, the commanding General designed that he should reap the laurels in expectancy.

It would be foreign from the purpose of this narrative to dwell upon the variety of untoward and vexatious circumstances which delayed, and had nearly caused a total failure of, the enterprise. Suffice it to say, that after those difficulties had been in part surmounted, the expedition departed upon its perilous undertaking. It has already been remarked that the enemy was keeping a vigilant watch over the motions of the Americans, and they had discovered indications of a movement of some kind during the last few preceding days. The narrowness of the river, without the agency of spies, enabled them to make these observations ; added to which the sound of the oars had been heard, so that, instead of being surprised, the enemy was measurably prepared for Van Rensselaer's reception. Indeed, a fire was opened before the boat of Colonel Van Rensselaer had reached the shore, and Lieutenant Rathbone -was killed in the Colonel's boat. Two companies of regular troops, however, and Captains Armstrong and Malcom, had previously landed without annoyance or discovery.*

Other boats successively followed, and the landing of two hundred and thirty-five men was effected, although the detachments first arriving suffered severely from the fire of the enemy, especially in the loss of their officers. The troops formed
* Armstrong's Notices of the War.
VOL.II 33

under a very warm fire, climbed the bank, Van Rensselaer himself leading the detachment, and routed the enemy at the point of the bayonet without firing a shot. In this operation Ensign Morris was killed, and Captains Armstrong, Malcom, and Wool were wounded, the latter slightly. Colonel Van Rensselaer himself was a severe sufferer, having received one ball in his hip, which passed out at his spine, two in his thigh, one of which lodged, two in his leg, and a sixth in his heel. Lieutenant-colonel Fenwick was also severely wounded, and Colonel Chrystie slightly. Indeed Captain Wool, himself wounded also, was now the senior officer fit for duty. The gallant leader, concealing his wounds under his great-coat as long as he could, immediately on the retreat of the enemy toward the town, ordered Captain Wool, the senior officer capable of duty, to ascend the mountain and carry the battery; giving him a direction for the movement by which he would avoid the fire of the enemy's artillery-placing Lieutenants Randolph and Gansevoort, who volunteered, at the head of the little column, and Major Lush, another volunteer, in the rear, with orders to put to death the first man who should fall back.* This enterprise was gallantly executed by Captain Wool, and the battery was carried "without much resistance."+ Colonel Van Rensselaer, however, unable longer to sustain himself, fell to the ground soon after the party had filed off before him ; but he did not lose his consciousness, and the pains of his wounds were soon alleviated by the shouts of victory.

Meantime, the most intense anxiety was felt on the American shore to learn the result of the daring attempt; and before it was well light, the painful intelligence was received tliat the gallant leader had fallen, covered with wounds. And upon the heels of that unpleasant news, the report came that Colonel Fenwick had also fallen, dangerously wounded. Had Scott been in the field, Fenwick would have ranked him, being the oldest in commission. Chrystie was younger in rank than Scott; but while the latter was again urging to be sent across, Chrystie
* Wilkinson's Memoirs.
+ Report of Captain Wool. The officers engaged in storming the battery were Captains Wool and Ogilvie; Lieutenants Kearney, Huginen, Carr, and Sammons of the 13th regiment; Lieutenants Gansevoort and Randolph of the light artillery, and Major Lush of the militia.

himself appeared at General Van Rensselaer's marquee, havingreceived a slight wound in the hand. Scott was now entitled to the post he had been seeking, and was immediately gratified with directions to cross the river, and assume the command. But while these arrangements were concerting on the American side, and before Lieutenant-colonel Scott had arrived at the scene of action, another important act in the changing drama of the day had been performed. The landing of the Americans had been opposed by the light company of the 49th regiment of grenadiers, and the York volunteer militia, together with a small number of Indians. The light troops had been dislodged by the Americans on ascending the heights, and an eighteen pounder battery taken.* The fortress on the heights, carried by Captain Wool, was manned by a detachment of the grenadiers, the whole numbering, as was supposed, one hundred and sixty regulars.+ The heights having been cleared of the enemy, who retired upon the village of Queenston, the Americans were allowed to repose a short time upon their laurels. But the respite was brief. General Brock being at Niagara when the action commenced, was startled from his pillow by the roar of the artillery; but so rapid were his movements, that he arrived at Queenston ere the grey of the morning had passed, accompanied by his Provincial aid-de-camp, Lieutenant-colonel McDonell.++ Placing himself immediately at the head of four companies of his favorite 49th grenadiers and a body of militia, General Brock advanced for the purpose of turning the left of the Americans; and recovering the ground that had been lost. A detachment of one hundred and fifty men, directed by Captain Wool to take possession of the heights above the battery, and hold General Brock in check, was compelled to retreat by superior numbers. An engagement ensued, in the course of which, after some fighting, the Americans were driven to the edge of the bank. With great exertions, Captain Wool brought his men to a stand, and directed a charge immediately on the exhaustion of his ammunition. This order was executed, though with some confusions It was; nevertheless, effectual, and the enemy in turn were driven to the verge of the heights, where Colonel McDonell, having his, horse shot under him, fell, himself mortally wounded. § In the
* Chrystie's account of the Canadian War.
+ Wilkinson's Memoirs, ++ Chrystie. § Captain Wool's official Report.

meantime General Brock, in attempting to rally his forces, received a musket ball in his breast, and died almost immediately. The last words he uttered as he fell from his horse, were, " Push on the brave York Volunteers."* The enemy thereupon dispersed in every direction ;+ and Captain "Wool, receiving at that time a small reinforcement of riflemen from the American side, set about forming a line on the heights, fronting the village, detaching flanking parties, and making such other dispositions as were first prompted by the exigencies of the occasion. It was at this point of time, being yet early in the morning, that Lieutenant-colonel Scott arrived on the heights, where he found the troops, both regulars and volunteers, in considerable disorder. He immediately announced his name and rank, and assuming the command, with the assistance of his adjutant, an officer of great activity and intelligence, brought them into line. On counting his men, he found that of regular troops there were three hundred and fifty rank and file, all told, and two hundred and fifty-seven volunteers, under General Wadsworth and Colonel Stranahan, the former of whom at once waived his rank in favor of Scott. Just before Scott had arrived upon the ground, Captain Wool had ordered Lieutenants Gansevoort and Randolph, with a detachment of artillery, to drill out the eighteen pounder heretofore spoken of as having been taken from the enemy, at a point some distance below the crest of the heights, but which had been spiked before its capture. Hearing of the circumstance, and being told that the gun had been spiked only with a ramrod, Scott hurried away in person to direct the process extracting this impediment to its use. He was not long absent, and on reascending the heights, great was his astonishment to find a cloud of Indians in the act of rushing upon his line, tomahawk in hand, while his troops were breaking, and evidently on the point of a general flight. The Indians bore down fiercely, and were, some of them, within ten paces of his men, when he gained his place just in season to prevent total disorder, and bring them to the right about, facing the enemy, upon whom they were turning their backs. All this was but the work of a moment. The Indians, finding this sudden change in the mode of their reception, recoiled; and after a sharp en-
* Chrvstler. -+ Captain Wool.

gagement, were compelled to retreat. Their leader was a dauntless youth, of surprising activity; dressed, painted and plumed en Indien, cap-a-pied.

The Americans, it will be recollected by those familiar with the history of the war, retained possession of the heights, and of the little fortress they had taken, during several hours -undisturbed by the regular troops of the enemy, who was waiting for reinforcements from Fort George at Newark, six miles below. But they were incessantly harassed by the Indians, who hovered about them, occasionally advancing in considerable numbers, but who were invariably put to flight when seriously engaged by the- Colonel's handful of an army. The stripling leader of the Indians was of graceful form and mould, and, as already remarked, of uncommon agility. He was often observed by Colonel Scott, and others, and was always accompanied by a dark, stalwart chief, evidently of great strength, who was subsequently known as Captain Jacobs. It was discovered that these two Indians in particular were repeatedly making a mark of Scott, who, like the first monarch of Israel, stood a full head above his soldiers, and who was rendered a yet more conspicuous object by a new and brilliant uniform, and a tall white plume in his hat. The conduct of these two Indians having been particularly observed by an officer, a message was instantly sent to Scott upon the subject, with his own overcoat, advising the Colonel to put it on. But the disguise was declined ; and the Indians, having taken refuge in a wood at some distance on the left, were driven thence by a spirited charge, gallantly led by Scott in person.

By these successive actions, however, the numbers of the Americans, both regulars and volunteers, had been sadly re-duced, the wounded having been sent across the river to the American shore in the few boats not rendered useless by the enemy's fire in the morning. The British column, led by General Sheaffe, the successor of General Brock, was now discovered advancing in the distance from Niagara. Its approach, though slow and circumspect, was steady and unremitting; and of its character and objects there could be no doubt.* The column with which General Sheaffe was thus advancing, consisted of three hundred and fifty men of the 41st regiment, se-
* General Armstrong's Notices.

veral companies of militia, and two hundred and fifty Indians. Reinforcements, both of troops and Indians, arriving from Chippewa, the force of the enemy was augmented to eight hundred.* Major-General Van Rensselaer, having crossed the river before he made this discovery, hastened back to his own camp, to make another appeal to the militia to cross over to the rescue of the little band of their own countrymen, now in such imminent peril. But in vain. Not a man could overcome his constitutional scruples about crossing the confines of his own country; and for more than two hours the troops and volunteers upon the heights were allowed to behold an advancing enemy, in numbers sufficient to overwhelm them, while by looking over their right shoulders they could see an army of American militia, abundantly sufficient to defeat the approaching column, and maintain the victories of the morning.+ The march of General Sheaffe was protracted by an extensive detour to the west, beyond the forest heretofore spoken of as having been a shelter to the Indians. Scott and his officers, in consideration of their own diminished numbers, marvelled greatly at this fatiguing measure of precaution on the part of the enemy, but were afterward informed by the officers into whose hands they fell, that the enemy had no idea that the diminutive force they saw upon the heights constituted the whole of the army they were marching to encounter.

During the breathing-time thus enjoyed by the Americans, and prolonged by the extreme caution of the enemy, a note from General Van Rensselaer was received by General Wadsworth, informing him of the facts heretofore stated respecting the cowardice of the militia, and advising a retreat. The General stated that not a company could be prevailed upon to cross the river; that he
* This is the estimate of the Canadian historian, Robert Chrystie. Colonel Chrystie of the American forces, in his estimate, stated the force of Sheaffe at from four to five hundred regulars, with four pieces of artillery, from five to six hundred militia, and three hundred Indians.
+ "Neither entreaty nor threats, neither arguments nor ridicule, availed any thing. They had seen enough of war to satisfy them that it made no part of their special calling ; and at last, not disdaining to employ the mask invented by faction to cover cowardice or treason, fifteen hundred able-bodied men, well armed and equipped, who a week before boasted largely of patriotism and prowess, were now found openly pleading constitutional scruples in justification of disobedience to the lawful authority of their chief."-General Armstrong's Notices of the War.

had himself seen the movements of the enemy, and knew that they were too powerful to be resisted by the handful of men upon the heights; and that he would endeavor to furnish boats and cover a retreat. Still, he left it optional with Wadsworth and his officers, to govern themselves according to circumstances under their own more immediate view. A consultation of the officers was immediately held ; but nothing was decided upon. Meantime the enemy continued to approach, but with undiminished circumspection-" manoeuvering from right to left, and from left to right, and countermarching nearly the whole length of the American line twice, as if determined to count every man in the ranks, and to make himself familiar with every foot of the position before he hazarded an attack."* This deliberation gave time for renewed councils on the part of the American officers. A retreat, however, was considered hopeless; whereupon Colonel Scott literally mounted a stump, and made a short but animated address to his soldiers:-" We cannot conquer; we may fall; we must die," said Scott; " but if we die like soldiers; we effect more by our example of gallantry upon a conquered field, than we could ever have done for our countrymen if surviving a successful one." A unanimous shout of approval answered the stirring appeal. Nor were the militia volunteers, who had continued faithful through the morning skirmishings, backward in seconding the determination. Indeed, though inexperienced, there were no braver men upon the field than Wadsworth and Stranahan.+ The British advanced steadily in column, reserving their fire, as did the Americans, excepting the single piece of artillery in their possession, until they came within eighty paces. Several well-directed and effective fires succeeded-the Americans maintaining their ground firmly until actually pricked by the bayonets of the enemy. They then retreated toward the river, the side of the steep being at that day covered with shrubs, which enabled the soldiers to let themselves down from one to another, with sufficient deliberation to allow an occasional return of the fire of their pursuers. Presently, however, the Indians came springing down from shrub to shrub after them; which circumstance
* General Armstrong's Notices of the War.
+ The late Colonel Farrand Stranahan, of Cooperstown. General Wadsworth and Colonel Stranahan have both since deceased.

somewhat accelerated the retreat of the Americans. On reaching the water's edge not a boat was at command ; and to avoid the galling fire of the pursuers, Scott drew his men farther up the river, to obtain shelter beneath the more precipitous, and, in fact, beetling cliffs.

Escape was now impossible, and to fight longer was not only useless but madness. After a brief consultation with Gibson and Totten, therefore, (the latter officer having returned to the field in the afternoon,) a capitulation was determined upon. A flag was accordingly sent, with a proposition. After waiting for some time without any tidings, another was sent, and afterward yet another-neither of which returned ; and it subsequently appeared that the bearers had been successively shot down by the Indians. Scott thereupon determined to go with the flag himself. But while preparing to execute his hazardous purpose, his attention was attracted by two of his men, who were deliberately stripping themselves to the skin. On inquiring their motive, they replied that they might as well drown as be hanged, as they were sure to be if taken, since they acknowledged themselves to be deserters from the ranks of the enemy. Saying which they plunged into the dark torrent flowing madly along in its mighty eddies and whirlpools. It was a fearful leap, but- both succeeded in reaching the American shore in safety, and the Colonel afterward saw and conversed with them.

But to resume. Colonel Scott having determined to bear the fourth flag himself, Totten's cravat was taken from beneath his stock for that purpose. Totten and Gibson both resolved to accompany their commander, who being the tallest, bore the handkerchief upon the point of his sword. Keeping close to the water's edge, and sheltering themselves as well as they could behind the rocks, the Indians continually firing in the meantime, they passed down until the bank afforded no farther protection, when they turned to the left to take the road. But just as they were gaining it; up rose the two Indians who had been aiming at Scott in the morning-the young and agile chief, and the more muscular Captain Jacobs-who both sprang upon them like tigers from their lairs. Scott remonstrated, and made known the character in which he was seeking the British commander; but to no purpose. The Indians grappled with them fiercely, and Jacobs succeeded in wrenching the sword from the Colonel's hand. The blades of Totten and Gibson instantly leaped from their scabbards, and the Indians were raising their hatchets when a British serjeant rushed forward, hoarsely exclaiming--" Honor!" " Honor!"-and having a guard with him, the combatants were separated, and Colonel Scott was conducted to the presence of General Sheaffe to whom he proposed a surrender, and with whom terms of capitulation were speedily arranged-the General at once saying that they should be treated with all the honors of war. Orders were immediately given that the firing should cease; but these orders were not promptly obeyed, which caused a remonstrance from Colonel Scott, and finally a peremptory demand to be conducted back to his troops. This prolonged fire was from the Indians, whom General Sheaffe admitted he could not control, as they were exceedingly exasperated at the amount of their loss. Scott passed a rather severe rebuke upon an enemy who avowed allies of such a character; but officers being ordered among them ill all directions, they were presently compelled to desist.

The prisoners surrendered by Scott numbered one hundred and thirty-nine regular troops, and one hundred and fifty-four volunteers, just-the Colonel accurately counting them all himself.* They were all marched down to Newark, (now Niagara,) the same evening, where the Colonel and his two principal officers were quartered in a small tavern, having invitations the first evening to dine with General Sheaffe. While waiting for the arrival of an officer to conduct them to the General's quarters, another incident occurred, equally spirited, and even more start-
*When, shortly afterward, the general order of Sheaffe appeared, it was announced that two hundred of the Americans were drowned and nine hundred taken prisoners. Colonel Scott immediately called upon General Sheaffe, and remonstrated against such an exaggeration ; since he had himself counted his own men, and knew that the number was less than three hundred, all told. Sheaffe replied that the numbers he had announced had been reported to him, and he felt strong confidence in the accuracy of the statement. In conclusion, he invited Scott to go to the barracks and see for himself. He did so, and to his deep mortification found that the statement of the general order was true ! On an investigation of the discrepancy, it appeared that the number of prisoners had been swollen to that amount by several hundred cowardly rascals of the militia, who, upon landing on the Canadian shore, had availed themselves of the darkness and other facilities, to hide themselves away among the clefts of the rocks; where they had remained in concealment during the day, and were only dragged by the legs from their lurking-places by the British troops after the surrender. So much for militia.

ling than the scene with the two Indians by the road-side. Just at twilight, a little girl entered the parlor, with a message that somebody in the hall desired to see the " tall officer." Colonel Scott thereupon stepped out of the parlor, unarmed, of course, into the hall, which was dark and narrow, and withal incommoded by a stairway; but what was his astonishment on again meeting, face to face, his evil geniuses, the brawny Captain Jacobs and the light-limbed chief! The Colonel had shut the door behind him as he left the parlor; but there was a sentinel standing at the outer door, who had improperly allowed the Indians to pass in. The dusky visitors stepped up to the Colonel without ceremony, and the younger, who alone spoke English, made a brief inquiry as to the number of balls which had cut through his clothes, intimating astonishment that they had both been firing at him almost the whole day, without effect. But while the young Indian was thus speaking, or rather beginning thus to speak-for such, subsequently, seemed to be the import of what he meant to say-Jacobs, rudely seizing the Colonel by the arm, attempted to whirl him round, exclaiming in broken English, " Me shoot so often, me sure to have hit somewhere." " Hands off, you scoundrel," cried Scott, indignant at such freedom with his person, and adding a scornful expression reflecting upon the Indian's skill as a marksman, as he flung him from him.

The Indians drew instantly both dirk and tomahawk, when, with the rapidity of lightning, Scott, had fortunately espied a number of swords standing at the end of the passage, seized one from its iron sheath, and placed himself in a posture, of defence against the menacing Indians. As they stood in this picturesque attitude, Scott with his sword ready to strike, and the Indians with their tomahawks and dirks in the air, frowning defiance upon each other,-both parties awaiting the first blow,- Colonel Coffin, who had been sent with a guard to conduct Scott to the General's quarters to dinner, sprang into the passage, and cried "Hold!" Comprehending at a glance the dangerous position of Scott, he interfered at once, by sharp remonstrance, and also by weapon, in his defence. Jacobs, exasperated, turned upon Colonel Coffin, and, uttering a menace, his companion also unguardedly turned to observe the issue of the new combat. The scene was of the most exciting and earnest character. The Indians having thus turned upon Coffin, one of them exclaimed -" I kill you!" Scott instantly raised his sabre, which was heavy and substantial, so that a descending blow would have fallen upon both the savages at once, and called out, "If you strike, I will kill you both!" For a moment they stood frowning ; the piercing eyes of the Indians gleaming with wild and savage fury, while Scott and Coffin, alike looked upon both with angry defiance, all with upraised arms and glittering steel. Recovering somewhat from the gust of passion into which they had been thrown, the Indians then slowly dropped their arms and retired. The officer who thus came to the rescue, was the aid of General Sheaffe, whose errand was to conduct the Colonel to dinner, and who, by this timely arrival, probably saved his life. It can hardly be necessary to mention who was the young chief that had sustained himself so actively and bravely through the day, as the reader will already have anticipated the name-JOHN BRANT-the successor of the great Captain, his father, who, as has already been stated, though not eighteen years of age, had that day, for the first time, led his tribe upon the war-path. Beyond doubt it was no part of the young Chief's design to inflict injury upon the captive American commander. His whole character forbids the idea, for he was as generous and benevolent in his feelings as he was brave. Having been exhausting much ammunition upon the Colonel during the day, this visit was one of curiosity, to ascertain how near they had come to the accomplishment of their object. Like Cassius, the Indian bears anger as the flint does fire, though not always cold again so soon. It was the same with Scott. Neither would allow of personal freedom-the Colonel did not fully comprehend the object of their visit, and a sudden rencontre; that had well nigh proved fatal, was the consequence.*

In the successive battles fought on that hardly-contested fron-
* General Sheaffe is an American by birth, and he took an early opportunity of explaining to Colonel Scott how it happened that, most reluctantly, he was in arms against the land of his birth. He stated that he was a lad at the commencement of the war of the American Revolution, living with his widowed mother at Boston. While the British army was in the occupancy of that town, Earl Percy's quarters were in the house of his mother. His Lordship manifested a strong degree of partiality for him, and took him away with a view of providing for him. He gave him a military education, and placed him in the army, purchasing commisions and promotion for him as far as promotion can be acquired by purchase in the British service. His

tier during the years 1813 and 1814, young Brant, as the Indian leader, sustained himself with great credit, as well for his bravery as for his intelligence and activity. In the course of the extraordinary campaign of 1813, commenced so brilliantly for the American arms at York, and followed up in the same spirit and with the same success at Fort George, (Niagara,) and yet attended with such surprising disasters as the capture by the enemy of Generals Chandler and Winder, and the surrender of Colonel Boerstler at the Beaver Dams, young Brant had several opportunities of distinguishing himself. He was in the affair of Fort George, under General Vincent, when that fortress was so gallantly carried by the American troops under the immediate command of Major-general Lewis.

After Vincent retired into the interior, -with a view of taking up a position at Burlington Heights, and after the disaster of Winder and Chandler at Forty Mile Creek, Colonel Boerstler was pushed forward with six hundred men of all arms-dragoons, artillery and infantry-to dislodge a strong picquet of the enemy posted in a stone house about two miles beyond a hilly pass called the Beaver Dams, seventeen miles from Fort George.* Arriving at the Beaver Dams, Colonel Brerstler was surprised by a large body of Indians under the conduct of young Brant and Captain William J. Kerr, numbering about four hundred and fifty warriors. The battle was maintained for about three hours-the Indians, of course, fighting after their own fashion, in concealment-having apparently surrounded Colonel Boerstler in the woods. Indeed, the enemy must have conducted the battle with remarkable adroitness; for Colonel Boerstler, galled upon all sides, dared neither to advance nor retreat, while the result of every observation was a conviction that he was surrounded by far superior numbers. At length Lieutenant Fitzgibbons, of the 49th enemy's regiment, arriving on the ground with forty-six rank and file, sent a flag to Colonel Boerst-
subsequent promotion to the rank of Major-general had been acquired by service. The breaking out of the war had found him stationed in Canada. He lost no time in stating his reluctance to serve against his own countrymen, and solicited a transfer to some other, country. But his request had not been complied with at the time of the events now under review. For his exploit in capturing Scott and his little band at Queenston Heights, he was created a Baronet.
* General Armstrong.

ler, demanding a surrender. After some parleying-the British lieutenant magnifying the number of their troops, and pretending to conduct the negotiation in the name of Major De Haren,* not forgetting a few occasional suggestions touching the horrors of an Indian massacre-Colonel Bosrstler, having neither reserve to sustain, nor demonstration to favor him,+ surrendered his detachment as prisoners of war. This battle occurred on the 24th of June, and was a brilliant affair for young Brant, since it was fought by the Indians alone, not a single cartridge being expended by the regular troops of the enemy.++

After this achievement, young Brant participated in almost all the skirmishes that took place on the Niagara frontier while the American army occupied Fort George and the village of Niagara ; and in the summer of 1814, he was engaged in the memorable battles of Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, and Fort Erie, while that post was invested by the British forces. In all these engagements his conduct was such as to command the admiration not only of his own people, but of the British officers- affording promise to all who marked his prowess, of becoming a very distinguished warrior.

At the close of the war, having attained the age of manhood, John Brant and his youthful sister Elizabeth, the youngest of his father's family, returned to the head of Lake Ontario, and took up their residence in the " Brant House"-living in the English style, and dispensing the ancient hospitalities of their father. Lieutenant Francis Hall, of the British service, who travelled in the United States and Canada in 1816, visited the Brant House, and saw the old lady Chieftainess at that place.
* Chrystie's History of the War in Canada.
+ General Armstrong's "Notices."
++ Letter to the author from Colonel William J. Kerr. This singular battle was the subject of much controversy at the time, and of not a little ridicule. The American accounts first published, stated that Boerstler was attacked by five hundred regular troops and one hundred Indians. Colonel Boerstler's own account of the affair dwells largely upon the great odds in numbers against him; but although the reader is left to infer that he fought long against regular troops as well as Indians, yet the fact is nowhere expresely stated. The Colonel maintained that it was an ill-advised expedition, detached in consequence of false information communicated by Major Cyrenius Chapin, commanding a detachment of volunteers. The Major, he averred, behaved like a consummate coward during the engagement. In regard to the battle itself, there is no doubt that the Colonel was out-generalled by Captain Kerr and young Brant, and having been kept at bay for several hours, was at length induced to surrender by stratagem.

He also speaks highly of the youthful Chief, John, as "a fine young man, of gentlemanlike appearance, who used the English language agreeably and correctly, dressing in the English fashion, excepting only the moccasins of his Indian habit."- Lieutenant Hall also visited the Mohawk village on the Grand River, where Elizabeth happened at that time to be, and of whom he gives an interesting account in his notice of the Brant family, their situation, and the people as he found them. Speaking of Thayendanegea, this intelligent traveller remarks:-

" Brant, like Clovis, and many of the early Anglo-Saxon and Danish Christians, contrived to unite much religious zeal with the practices of natural ferocity. His grave is to be seen under the walls of his church. I have mentioned one of his sons: he has also a daughter living, who would not disgrace the circles of European fashion : her face and person are fine and graceful: she speaks English not only correctly, but elegantly; and has, both in her speech and manners, a softness approaching to oriental languor. She retains so much of her native dress as to identify her with her people, over whom she affects no superiority, but seems pleased to preserve all the ties and duties of relationship. She held the infant of one of her relations at the font, on the Sunday of my visit to the church. The usual church and baptismal service was performed by a Doctor Aaron, an Indian, and an assistant priest; the congregation consisted of sixty or seventy persons, male and female. Many of the young men were dressed in the English fashion, but several of the old warriors came with their blankets folded over them like the drapery of a statue ; and in this dress, with a step and mien of quiet energy, more forcibly reminded me of the ancient Romans than some other inhabitants of this continent who have laid claim to the resemblance. Some of them wore large silver crosses, medals, and trinkets on their arms and breasts ; and a few had bandeaus, ornamented with feathers. Dr. Aaron, a grey-headed Mohawk, had touched his cheeks and forehead with a few spots of vermilion, in honor of Sunday. He wore a surplice, and preached ; but his delivery was monotonous and unimpassioned. Indian eloquence decays with the peculiar state of society to which it owed its energy."*
* Hull's Travels, pp. 135,136.

Three years afterward, in 1819, James Buchanan, Esq., H. B. M. consul for the port of New-York, made the tour of Upper Canada, accompanied by two of his daughters. In the course of his journey Mr. Buchanan visited the Brant House, of which circumstance he subsequently published the following agreeable account in his little volume of Indian sketches:- " After stopping more than a week under the truly hospitable roof of the Honorable Colonel Clarke, at the Falls of Niagara, I determined to proceed by land round Lake Ontario, to York ;* and Mrs. Clarke + offered to give my daughters a letter of introduction to a Miss Brant, advising us to arrange our time so as to sleep and stop a day or two in the house of that lady, as she was certain we should be much pleased with her and her brother. Our friend did not intimate, still less did we suspect, that the, introduction was to an Indian prince and princess. Had we been in the least aware of this, our previous arrangements would all have given way, as there was nothing I was more anxious to obtain than an opportunity such as this was so well calculated to afford, of seeing in what degree the Indian character would be modified by a conformity to the habits and comforts of civilized life.

" Proceeding on our journey, we stopped at an inn, romantically situated, where I determined to remain all night. Among other things I inquired of the landlord if he knew the distance to Miss Brant's house, and from him I learned that it was about twenty miles farther. He added, that young Mr. Brant had passed that way in the forenoon, and would, no doubt, be return-
* Now Toronto, or, more properly, Taranto, which is the Indian name. + Mrs. Clarke was the daughter of the late Dr. Robert Kerr, of Niagara, and grand-daughter of Sir William Johnson, by Molly Brant. She was of course by blood one quarter Mohawk. Colonel Clarke's residence was upon the banks of the Niagara, a short distance above the great cataract. His gardens and grounds were extensive, highly cultivated, and laid out with the taste of a landscape gardener- washed by the mighty stream thundering over the rapids past it on one side, and bounded on the other of its sides by a deep, dark glen, of rocks, and trees, and wild turbulent waters. Mrs. Clarke was a lady of noble appearance, of highly cultivated mind and manners, and of sincere and unostentatious piety. Her husband died two or three years since; and a letter to the author, from her brother, Colonel Kerr, of Brant House, received while these pages were in preparation for the press, announced her decease, on the 2d of March, 1837. An agreeable visit at her seat, in September preceding her decease, enlightened by her eloquence and vivacity, will not soon be forgotten,-Author.

ing in the evening, and that if I wished it, he would be on the look-out for him. This I desired the landlord to do, as it would enable me to intimate our introduction to his sister, and intention of waiting on her the next morning.

" At dusk Mr. Brant returned, and being introduced into our room, we were unable to distinguish his complexion, and conversed with him, believing him to be a young Canadian gentleman. We did not, however, fail to observe, a certain degree of hesitation and reserve in the manner of his speech. He certainly expressed a wish that we would do his sister and himself the favor of spending a few days with them, in order to refresh ourselves and our horses; but we thought his style more laconic than hospitable. Before candles were brought in, our new friend departed, leaving us still in error as to his nation.

" By four o'clock in the morning we resumed our journey. On arriving at the magnificent shores of Lake Ontario, the driver of our carriage pointed out, at the distance of five miles, the house of Miss Brant, which had a very noble and commanding aspect; and we anticipated much pleasure in oar visit; as besides the enjoyment of so beautiful a spot, we should be enabled to form a competent idea of Canadian manners and style of living. Young Mr. Brant, it appeared, unaware that with our carriage we could have reached his house so soon, had not arrived before us ; so that our approach was not announced, and we drove up to the door under the full persuasion that the family would be apprised of our coming. The outer door, leading to a spacious hall, was open. We entered, and remained a few minutes, when, seeing no person about, we proceeded into the parlor, which, like the hall, was for the moment unoccupied. We, therefore had an opportunity of looking about us at our leisure. It was a room well furnished, with a carpet, pier and chimney glasses, mahogany tables, fashionable chairs, a guitar, a neat hanging book-case, in which, among other volumes, we perceived a Church of England Prayer Book, translated into the Mohawk tongue. Having sent our note of introduction in by the coachman, and still no person waiting on us, we began to suspect (more especially in the hungry state we were in,) that some delay or difficulty about breakfast stood in the way of the young lady's appearance. I can assure my readers that a keen morning's ride on the shores of an American lake, is an exercise of all others calculated to make the appetite clamorous, if Hot insolent. We had already penetrated into the parlor, and were beginning to meditate a farther exploration in search of the pantry, when, to our unspeakable astonishment, in walked a charming, noble-looking Indian girl, dressed partly in the native and partly in the English costume. Her hair was confined on the head in a silk net, but the lower tresses, escaping from thence, flowed down on her shoulders. Under a tunic or morning dress of black silk, was a petticoat of the same material and color, which reached very little below the knee. Her silk stockings and kid shoes were, like the rest of her dress, black. The grace and dignity of her movement, the style of her dress and manner, so new, so unexpected, filled us all with astonishment. With great ease, yet by no means in that common-place mode so generally prevalent on such occasions, she inquired how we found the roads, accommodations, &c. No flutter was at all apparent on account of the delay in getting breakfast; no fidgetting and fuss-making, no running in and out, no idle expressions of regret, such as ' O ! dear me ! had I known of your coming, you would not have been kept in this way;' but with perfect ease she maintained conversation, until a squaw; wearing a man's hat, brought in a tray with preparations for breakfast. A table cloth of fine white damask being laid, we were regaled with tea, coffee, hot rolls, butter in water and ice coolers, eggs, smoked beef, ham, and broiled chickens, &c.; all served in a truly neat and comfortable style. The delay, we afterward discovered, arose from the desire of our hostess to supply us with hot rolls, which were actually baked while we were waiting. I have been thus minute in my description of these comforts, as they were so little to be expected in the house of an Indian.

" After breakfast Miss Brant took my daughters out to walk, and look at the picturesque scenery of the country. She and her brother had previously expressed a hope that we would stay all day; but though I wished of all things to do so, and had determined, in the event of their pressing their invitation, to accept it, yet I declined the proposal at first, and thus forfeited a pleasure which we all of us longed in our hearts to enjoy ; for, as I afterward learned, it is not the custom of any uncorrupted Indian to repeat a request if once rejected. They believe that
VOL. II. 84

those to whom they offer any mark of friendship, and who give a reason for refusing it, do so in perfect sincerity, and that it would be rudeness to require them to alter their determination or break their word. And as the Indian never makes a show of civility but when prompted by a genuine feeling, so he thinks others are actuated by similar candor. I really feel ashamed when I consider how severe a rebuke this carries with it to us who boast of civilization, but who are so much carried away by the general insincerity of expression pervading all ranks, that few indeed are to be found who speak just what they wish or know. This duplicity is the effect of what is termed a high state of refinement. We are taught so to conduct our language, that others cannot discover our real views or intentions. The Indians are not only free from this deceitfulncss, but surpass us in another instance of good-breeding and decorum, namely, of never interrupting those who converse with them until they have done speaking; and then they reply in the hope of not being themselves interrupted. This was perfectly exemplified by Miss Brant and her brother; and I hope the lesson my daughters were so forcibly taught by the natural politeness of their hostess, will never be forgotten by them, and that I also may profit by the example.

" After stopping a few hours with these interesting young Indians, and giving them an invitation to pay us a visit at New York, which they expressed great desire to fulfil, and which I therefore confidently anticipated, we took our leave with real regret on all sides. As we passed through the hall, I expected to see some Indian instruments of war or the chase ; but perceiving the walls were bare of these customary ornaments, I asked Mr. Brant where were the trophies that belonged to his family ? He told me, and I record it with shame, that the numerous visitors that from time to time called on him, had expressed their desire so strongly for these trophies, that one by one he had given all away ; and now he was exempt from these sacrifices by not having any thing of the kind left. He seemed, nevertheless, to cherish with fondness the memory of these relics of his forefathers. How ill did the civilized visitors? requite the hospitality they experienced under the roof whose doors stand open to shelter and feed all who enter !

As all about our young hostess is interesting, I will add some farther particulars. Having inquired for her mother she told me she remained generally with her other sons and daughters, who were living in the Indian settlement on the Grand River, that falls into Lake Erie: that her mother preferred being in the wigwams, and disapproved, in a certain degree, of her and her brother John's conforming so much to the habits and costumes of the English."

In the opening chapter of the present work, the Rev. Dr. Stewart, formerly a missionary in the Mohawk Valley, and subsequently Archdeacon of the Episcopal church of Upper Canada, was several times referred to as authority for a variety of particulars in the early life of the elder Brant. The sketches of his life thus referred to, were in fact written by the present honorable and venerable Archdeacon Strachan, of Toronto, from conversations with Dr. Stewart, and published in the Christian Recorder, at Kingston, in 1819. There were portions of those sketches which gave offence to the family of Thayendanegea, and his son and successor entered upon the vindication of his father's character with great spirit. Dr. Strachan had used an unfortunate epithet in reference to the old Chief, and virtually charged him with having been engaged in the bloody affair of Wyoming ; accused him of having entertained designs hostile to the interests of the crown; of wavering loyalty; and, before his death, of intemperance. These and other matters, contained in the before-mentioned sketches, tending seriously to detract from the respect previously entertained for the memory of the father, were repelled with vigorous and virtuous indignation by the son in the course of a correspondence with the Reverend Archdeacon; and were it not for the circumstance that the matter was in the end satisfactorily adjusted, some extracts from this correspondence might here be presented, by way of exhibiting the tact and talent with which a Mohawk Chief could manage a controversy in the field of letters. The offensive statements in the sketches of the Christian Recorder were clearly shown to have arisen from mistakes and misrepresentations; and in the course of the explanations that ensued, the conduct of the Archdeacon " was most honorable." *

The difficulties between the Mohawks and the Provincial Government, respecting the title to the lands of the former,
* Letter of William Johnson Kerr to the author.

which the elder Brant had so long labored, but in vain, to adjust, yet continuing unsettled, in the year 1821 John Brant, alias Ahyouwaeghs, was commissioned to proceed to England, as his father had been before him, to make one more appeal to the justice and magnanimity of the parent government.* He urged his claim with ability, and enlisted in the cause of his people men of high rank and influence. Among these was the Duke of Northumberland, the son of the old Duke-the Lord Percy of the American Revolution, and the friend of his father, who had deceased in 1817. The Duke, like his father, had been adopted as a warrior of the Mohawks under the aboriginal cognomen of Teyonhighkon; and he now manifested as much zeal and friendship for the Mohawks, in the controversy which had carried John Brant to England, as the old Duke had done for Thayendanegea twenty years before. The young chief likewise found an active and efficient friend in Saxe Bannister, Esq., a gentleman bred both to the navy and the law, who had resided for a time in Upper Canada. Mr. Bannister espoused the cause of the Indians with laudable zeal, and wrote several papers for the consideration of the ministers in their behalf.* The result was, that before leaving England in 1822, the agent received a promise from the Secretary of the Colonies, Lore Bathurst, that his complaints should be redressed to his entire satisfaction. Instructions to that effect were actually transmitted to the Colonial Government, then administered by Sir Peregrine Maitland, and Ahyouwaeghs returned to his country and constituents with the well-earned character of a successful diplomatist.

But the just expectations of the Chief and his people were again thwarted by the provincial authorities. The refusal of the local government to carry into effect the instructions from the ministers of the crown, the pretexts which they advanced, and the subterfuges to which they resorted as excuses for their conduct, were communicated by the chief to his friend the Duke of Northumberland, by letter, in June, 1823. He also wrote simultaneously to Mr. Bannister upon the subject. A correspondence of some length ensued between the Chief and those gentlemen, and repeated efforts were made to compass a satis-
* Mr. Bannister afterward held an appointment in New South Wales, and sub-
sequently still was Chief Justice of the colony of Sierra Leone, where he died.

factory and final arrangement of the vexed and long-pending controversy. But these efforts were as unsuccessful in the end as they had been in the beginning.

While in England upon this mission, the young Chief detemined to vindicate the memory of his father from the aspersions that had been cast upon it there, as he had already done in his own country. Campbell's " Gertrude of Wyoming " had then been published several years. The subject, and general character of that delightful work, are too well and universally known to require an analysis in this place. With a poet's license, Mr. Campbell had not only described the valley as a terrestrial paradise, but represented its inhabitants as being little if any inferior, in their character, situation, and enjoyments, to the spirits of the blessed. Into a community thus innocent, gay, and happy, he had introduced the authors of the massacre of 1778, led on by " the monster Brant." This phrase gave great offence to the family of the old chief, as also did the whole passage in which it occurred. The offensive stanzas purport to form a portion of the speech of an Indian hero of the tale, an Oneida Chief, who is made to interrupt a domestic banquet, under most interesting circumstances, in the following strains, prophetic of danger near at hand:-

" But this is not the time,"-he started up,
And smote his heart with woe-denouncing hand-
" This is no time to fill the joyous cup,
" The mammoth comes,-the foe,-the monster Brant,-
" With all his howling, desolating band ;-
" These eyes have seen their blade, and burning pine
" Awake at once, and silence half your land.
" Red is the cup they drink-but not with wine:
" Awake, and watch to-night! or see no morning shine!

" Scorning to wield the hatchet for his tribe,
"' Gainst Brant himself I went to battle forth:
" Accursed Brant! he left of all my tribe
" Nor man, nor child, nor thing of living birth;
" Not not the dog that watch'd my household hearth
" Escaped that night of blood, upon our plains!
" All perisli'd-I alone am left on earth!
" To whom nor relative, nor blood remains,
" No!-not a kindred drop that runs in human veins!"

This paraphrase of the celebrated speech of Logan-less poetical, by the way, than the original-was illustrated by notes, asserting positively that Brant was the Indian leader at "Wyoming, and proving his cool-blooded ferocity by citing the anecdote from Weld's Travels, quoted, for denial, as a note on a preceding page. John Brant had previously prepared himself with documents to sustain a demand upon the poet for justice to the memory of his father: and in December, 1821, his friend Bannister waited upon Mr. Campbell, with an amicable message, opening the door for explanations. A correspondence ensued, only a portion of which has been preserved among the papers of John Brant; but in a note of the latter to the poet, dated the 28th of December, the young chief thanked him for the candid manner in which he had received his request conveyed by Mr. Bannister. The documents with which the Chief had furnished himself for the occasion, were thereupon enclosed to Mr. Campbell, and the result was a long explanatory letter from the poet, which has been very generally re-published. Candor, however, must admit that that letter does but very partial and evidently reluctant justice to the calumniated warrior. It is, moreover, less magnanimous, and characterised by more of special pleading, than might have been expected.* In addition to this, it appears, by a communication from the young chief to Sir John Johnson; dated January 22, 1822, that Mr. Campbell had not only expressed his regret at the injustice done the character of his father, but had promised a correction in the next edition-then soon to be published. This correction, however, was not made, as it should have been, in the text, but in a note to the subsequent edition ; and although, at the close of that note, Mr. Campbell says, for reasons given, that " the name of Brant remains in his poem only as a pure and declared character of fiction," yet it is not a fictitious historical character, and cannot be made such by an effort of the imagination. The original wrong, therefore, though mitigated, has not been fully redressed, for the simple reason that it is the poem that lives in the memory, while the note, even if read, makes little impression, and is soon forgotten.+
* See close of the Appendix.
+ The note referred to, is as follows:-"I took the character of Brant in the poem
" of Gertrude from the common histories of England, all of which represented him
" as a bloody and bad man, (even among savages,) and chief agent in the horrible
" desolation of Wyoming. Some years after this poem appeared, the son of Brant,

During his sojourn in London, the young-chief seems to have paid considerable attention to the public institutions, particularly those of a humane and benevolent character. He was introduced by Mr. Butterworth to the British and Foreign School Society; and in his diary mentions an interesting visit to the Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons. Other objects of interest or curiosity, which attracted his attention, were noted in his diary, a small fragment of which only remains among his papers. The following entry is not very flattering to British beauty:-

" Thursday Evening-, 16th May, 1822,1 went to Mr. C. A Tulk's, M. P. party, to hear a little music. There were twenty-two ladies-one only pretty-Casweighter, said to be the best violin player in Europe, and Solly, celebrated for the guitar and piano. I met a gentleman well acquainted with my father-formerly of the Queen's Rangers."

But his attention to other matters did not lead him to forget fulness of the moral wants of his people. The war between the United States and Great Britain, the principal seat of which was in the vicinity of the Mohawks' territory, had had a most unhappy effect upon their social condition. Their farms had been neglected, their buildings had suffered from the same cause, as also had their church and schools. It is likewise probable, that after the decease of Thayendanegea, in the absence of a directing master mind, there had been but little advance in the work of public instruction before the war ; and it was the design of young Brant, on his return to Canada, to resuscitate and extend the schools among his nation. For this purpose he procured
" a most interesting and intelligent youth, came over to England; and I formed an
" acquaintance with him, on which I still look back with pleasure. He appealed to
" my sense of honor and justice, on his own part and on that of his sister, to retract
" the unfair assertion which, unconscious of its unfairness, I had cast on his father a
" memory. He then referred to documents which completely satisfied me that the
" common accounts of Brant's cruelties at Wyoming, which I had found in books
" of travels, and in Adolphus's and similar histories of England, were gross errors,
" and that, in point of fact, Brant was not even present at that scene of desolation."
* * * * "I ascertained, also, that he often strove to mitigate the cruelty of
" Indian warfare. The name of Brant, therefore, remains in my poem, a pure and
" declared character of fiction." This is something like knocking a man down,
and then desiring that he would regard the blow as purely a phantasy of the imagi-
nation.

an appropriation, in 1822, from the New-England Corporation for the civilization of Indians, which had been chartered as far back as 1662. After his return to Grand River, the young chief entered zealously upon the work, as appears from an active correspondence maintained for several years with the officers of that institution. The following extracts, from a mass of his letters, are given, not only as examples of his epistolary style, but for the purpose of showing the extent and nature of the exertions he was making, and the prospects of good which were opening upon him:-

" JOHN BRANT, (AHYOUWAEGHS) TO JAMES GIBSON.
" Mohawk Village, Grand River, U. C. )
" 19th June, 1824. )

* * * * * * * * *I have attended to the subject of your letters with the greatest satisfaction, and I hope that the report I am now about to make to you, will be equally satisfactory to the humane and benevolent members of the New England Corporation. I set out with observing that the appointed teacher conducts himself in every point of view corresponding to our expectations. The children are particularly taught religious and moral duties ; the hours of prayer are rigidly attended to; and on the Sabbath the scholars attend divine service. Cleanliness is strictly enforced, and all laudable means are resorted to in order to excite a liberal spirit of emulation. Corporeal punishment is discountenanced, except in cases of flagrant indifference. Upon the whole, I have the pleasure of announcing, through the medium of you, Sir, to the Corporation, that the donation so liberally applied, will, in my opinion, be attended with the most salutary effects. It is an agreeable sight to observe the rising generation of the aborigines employed in acquiring knowledge, and in a spirit of true worship attending divine service on the Sabbath.

" One of our tribes, the Oneidas,* are very anxious to have a school established for them. The chiefs have assured me that
* A section of the Oneida nation. After the war of the Revolution, portions of all the Six Nations emigrated to the new Mohawk territory, although the majority of all the nations, except the Mohawks, remained within the United States-on their ancient territory.

not less than thirty children would attend the school if esta-
blished.

" Seven of the oldest children in our school read in the Mohawk Prayer-book, repeat the catechism, and answer responses in church. The others use our primers, and spell very well in them to seven and eight syllables. The number of scholars is twenty-one. * * * I am sensible of the generous aid that the Corporation have already afforded, and I am requested by the Chiefs of my tribe to return their sincere thanks to the members of the New England Corporation.
" I am, Sir,
" Your very obedient servant,
" J. BRANT,
" Ahyouwaeghs
" James Gibson, Esq.
" Treasurer New England Corporation"

THE SAME TO THE SAME.
" Mohawk Village, Grand River, U. C.
19th July, 1826.

" DEAR SIR,

" After having visited the schools which are supported by the New England Corporation, where more than sixty children are taught to read and write in the Mohawk dialect and the English language, I beg to communicate to you the state of the church in our village. It being the first built in the province, is now in a very dilapidated state, and we have not the funds to rebuild. We have made an allotment of two hundred acres of land for the use of a resident clergyman, and fifty acres for the use of the school; and we have appropriated six hundred dollars, or £150 province currency, toward defraying the expenses of building a parsonage; and although that sum is quite insufficient for the object, yet it is the utmost we can do, considering the circumstances and wants of our respective tribes. We would be very thankful if we could obtain pecuniary aid sufficient to finish the parsonage and rebuild our church; and would rejoice to have a resident clergyman amongst us, who would not consider it too laborious frequently to travel to our several hamlets, to preach the Gospel of the meek and lowly Jesus; to visit the sick; and always to evince, not only by preaching, but by example, his devotion to the church of Christ.
" I am, dear Sir,
" Your friend and servant,
" .J, BRANT,"

LETTER FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME.
" Mohawk Village, Grand River, U. C.
October 27, 1828.
" DEAR SIR,

" I have the pleasure to acknowledge your communication of the 17th August last, subjoining copies of the resolutions of the New England Corporation at a meeting held on the 8th of March, 1825. Permit me to repeat the grateful sentiments formerly expressed on the part of my tribe to the members of the Corporation for their liberal contributions, as also for the farther support they have now afforded to the most efficient and practical plans of promoting education and the diffusion of knowledge among the Mohawks.

" I have received a letter from the Rev. Mr. West, dated at New-York; but have not as yet arranged any plans with that gentleman relative to his mission ; being satisfied, that after a personal conference and actual observation, we can in a much better way arrange such measures as may appear most beneficial.

" Mr. West mentions that he will visit me in the month of May next. I anticipate much satisfaction in meeting the reverend gentleman. It is undoubtedly the best mode of ascertaining our relative situations, circumstances, &c. &c. This I ardently desire for several reasons. It will enable the company to judge how far it may be useful to extend the means of education, and of the probable results; as also the difficulties in which, for very many years, a continuation of unfavorable circumstances has involved the Five Nations. To effect a complete change in manners and customs, that have been long established, will indeed be an arduous task. Let not the difficulties terrify us from the attempt. The more arduous, the more animating- inasmuch as if the attempt succeed, the reward will be great. Not that those who commence this work of humanity are to flatter themselves with the hope of seeing the complete effect of their labors ; time will be required ; and when the foundation is laid in the spirit of sincerity, no doubt can remain, that, with the help of God, the edifice will be raised.

" With respect to that part of your letter which refers to the religious faith of a part of the Five Nations, I beg for a short time to defer a reply ; as it embraces a variety of important considerations, in connexion with the attempt to introduce religious instruction among them. The first great restraint, as to civilization, is removed ; I mean by their local situation, in possessing permanent, or rather fixed places of residence. The commencement must be among the youth, with mildness and assiduity. To render the task not only a good, but a lasting work, it will be necessary to obtain the consent of parents. Care should be taken to explain matters, that the object of instruction be understood as clearly as possible by the parents.

" In my next I shall draw on you for the amount appropriated for the building of the Mohawk and Oneida school-houses, as also for the schoolmaster at Davis's hamlet. This is a proper season for entering into contracts for building, as our sleighing season is nigh at hand, which affords great facility in the way of collecting materials. As you have not mentioned Lawrence Davids, I shall continue to draw for his salary as usual, out of the £200 appropriated by the Corporation in 1822.

" In my next I will tell you how the scholars get on. All my letters have been on business. I will in a few days write in a more friendly way, for I remember your kindness to me at Epsom.

" I beg my best respects to the Governor, Mr. Solly, and the other members of the Corporation, with whom I have the pleasure to be acquainted.

" I am, very truly, Dear Sir,
" Your obedient servant,
" J. BRANT.
" Ahyouwaeghs.
" James Gibson, Esq.,

" Treasurer New England Corporation, London.

"These letters breathe the spirit of an enlarged and noble phillanthropy, guided by true wisdom. The writer had formed a just estimate of the importance of the work in which he was engaged, and the difficulties to be encountered; and he had the sagacity to perceive the only practicable method of accomplishing it-a knowledge of the only means that could be successfully adapted to the end. The society of which he was the judicious almoner appreciated his worth, and in the year 1829 presented him with a splendid silver cup, bearing the following inscription:-

Presented by the New England Corporation,
"Established in London by charter, A. D. 1662, for the civiliza-
tion of Indians,
To JOHN BRANT, Esq.,
AHYOUWAEGHS,

One of the Chiefs of the Mohawk Nation,

In acknowledgement of his eminent services in promoting the objects of the Corporation. A. D. 1829.

In the year 1827, Ahyouwaeghs was appointed by the Earl of Dalhousie, then Commander-in Chief of the British American provinces, to the rank of Captain, and also Superintendent of the Six Nations. It was early in the same year that the Chief heard that a liberty had been taken with his name in the American newspapers, which kindled in his bosom feelings of the liveliest indignation. Those familiar with that deep and fearful conspiracy in the western part of New-York, in the Autumn of 1826, which resulted in the murder of William Morgan by a small body of over-zealous freemasons, will probably remember that the name of John Brant appeared in a portion of the correspondence connected with that melancholy story. The circumstances were these: It was well ascertained, that in the origin and earlier stages of that conspiracy no personal injury was designed against the unhappy victim of Masonic fanaticism. The immediate object of the conspirators was to send Morgan out of the country, under such circumstances, and to so great a distance, as to ensure his continued absence. But they had adjusted no definite plans for the execution of that purpose, or distinct views upon the subject of his destiny. Having abducted and illegally carried him away; those entrusted with his safekeeping found him upon their hands, and knew not what to do with or whither to send him. In this dilemma, one of their projects was to convey him to Quebec, and procure his enlistment on board of a British man of-war. Another suggestion, under the supposition that the Mohawk chief was a freemason himself, and would of course embark in any practicable scheme to prevent the disclosures of the secrets of freemasonry, which Morgan was in the- act of publishing when seized, was, that Brant should take charge of the prisoner, and cause his transfer by the Indians to the North-western Fur Company. But every device for the banishment of the unhappy man failed, and he was buried at the solemn hour of midnight in the rocky caverns of the Niagara. The suggestion in regard to the transfer of the prisoner to Ahyouwaeghs, however, became public, and for a time it was supposed by those unacquainted with his character, that he might have been consulted in regard to that murderous transaction. The imputation was most unjust, and was repelled with a spirit becoming the man and his race, as will appear by the following letter :-

TO THE EDITOR OF THE YORK OBSERVER.
' Wellington Square, Feb. 29, 1827.
" SIR,
" I have read a paragraph in the New-York Spectator of the 16th instant, wherein it is stated that the fraternity at Niagara had sent for me to receive and sacrifice the unhappy Morgan, of whom so much has been lately spoken.

" You will oblige me by contradicting this report, which is wholly false. Neither in that instance, nor any other, has such a barbarous proposal been made to me; nor do I believe the man exists who would dare to wound my feelings in such a heinous manner.

" I know nothing of the man, nor of any transaction relating to him ; and I am much surprised that my name has been called in question.

" I am, Sir, your's respectfully,
" J. BRANT."

In the year 1832 John Brant was returned a member of the Provincial parliament for the county of Haldimand, comprehending a good portion of the territory originally granted to the Mohawks. The right of the Indians to this territory yet depended upon the original proclamation of Sir Frederick Haldimand, which, according to the decision of the courts of Upper Canada, conveyed no legal title to the fee of the land. The Indians had been in the practice of conveying away portions of their lands by long leases-for the term of nine hundred and ninety-nine years-and a large number of those persons by whose votes Brant was elected, had no other title to their real estate than leases of that description. As the election laws of Upper Canada very wisely require a freehold qualification for county electors, Mr. Brant's return was contested by the opposing candidate, Colonel Warren, and ultimately set aside, and the Colonel declared to be duly chosen.*

It was of but small moment to either candidate, however, which of the two should be allowed to wear the parliamentary honors. The desolating scourge of India-the cholera-was introduced upon the American continent in the Summer of that year, commencing its ravages at Quebec ; and among the thousands who fell before the plague; as it swept fearfully over the country of the great lakes, were JOHN BRANT-AHYOUWAEGHS -and his competitor.

He was a man of fine figure and countenance, and great dignity of deportment, though by no means haughty-having the unassuming manners of a well-bred gentleman. " The first time I ever saw him, was at a court at Kingston, where he acted as an interpreter on the trial of an Indian charged with murder. Another Indian was a witness. One of the Indians was a Mohawk and the other a Chippewa, of the Mississagua tribe. It was necessary, therefore, that the questions should be interpreted to the witness in one language, and to the prisoner in the other, which afforded me an opportunity to compare the sounds of the one with the other; and the harsh and guttural language of the Mohawk+ was, indeed, singularly contrasted with the copiousness and smoothness of the Chippewa. But what impressed me most on the trial, was the noble ap"pearance of Brant, and the dignity and composure with which he discharged his duty."++
* Letter to the author from the Hon. M. S. Bidwell, who sat in Parliament With the Mohawk Chief.
+ Not "harsh and guttural," when spoken by the youngest daughter of Joseph Brant.
++ Letter to the author from the Hon. M.S. Bidwell.

Ahyouwaeghs was a member of the Church of England, though not a communicant. A number of his friends and relations were with him when he died, all of whom believed his death was that of a happy and sincere Christian. In closing the present imperfect sketch of this remakable man, who had but just attained the prime of manhood, and was cut off as it were in the dawn of a career bright with hope and brilliant with promise, the Christian philanthropist may pause a moment in the contemplation of at least one proud example of what letters and civilization may accomplish with the sons of the American forest.

Elizabeth, the youngest daughter of Joseph Brant, whose name has already been repeatedly mentioned in the foregoing pages, was married several years ago to WILLIAM JOHNSON KERR, Esq. son of the late Dr. Robert Kerr of Niagara, and a grandson of Sir William Johnson. Mrs. Kerr, as the reader must have inferred from what has been previously said respecting her, was educated with great care, as well in regard to her mental culture as her personal accomplishments. With her husband and little family she now occupies the old mansion of her father, at the head of Lake Ontario-a noble situation, as the author can certify from personal observation. Though fully conscious of the delicacy due to a lady living in unostentatious retirement, yet, as the daughter of Joseph Brant, the author trusts that, should this page meet her eye, the enthusiasm of her father's biographer may plead his apology for introducing her before the public-more especially as it shall be done in the language of one of the fair companions* of his journey :- * * * " Let, then, my reader present to himself a lady of rather more than middling stature, of dignified, reserved, and gentle address, most pleasing in person, and attired in a costume sufficiently Indian to retain the flow and drapery, but donned with the ease, adaptation, and grace, so peculiarly the attributes of an elegant mind.

" Let my reader mark the keen, penetrating glance of that dark eye, as now it rests upon the stranger, whose too eager interest might be deemed obtrusiveness, or anon, its soft, tender, or melting expression, when it falls upon the portraits of her
* Miss Ann Elizabeth Wayland.

brother, is cast upon her father's miniature, or bides upon her children.

" Let him mark the haughty curl of that lip as she speaks of those who depreciate her people, its sarcastic curve when she alludes to the so-called delineations of her father's character, or its fond smile as she looks upon her husband; let him have before him a being in whom mind rules every action, and predominates above all; and let him attach this idea to one who glories in the fact, that the blood of the Mohawk courses in her veins ; and he will know the daughter of Joseph Brant. But no ; he must yet learn that this mind and these energies are devoted not alone to her immediate circle; but have been exerted most faithfully for the improvement and well-being of her race. She has, within a few years, translated portions of the New Testament into her vernacular, and is devising various means for the elevation of the Indian character."

Colonel Kerr, her husband, is the eldest of three brothers, William Johnson, Walter, and Robert, all of whom bore commissions, and fought the Americans bravely on the Niagara frontier during the last war. They were likewise all wounded, and two of them taken prisoners, and brought to Greenbush and Pittsfield, whence they escaped, striking first upon Schoharie, and thence across the country from the Mohawk Valley, through the woods to the St. Lawrence-though, it is believed, not both at the same time. Walter was accompanied in his escape and flight by a fellow-prisoner named Gregg. In the course of their travels through the county of St. Lawrence, they fell in with a courier going from the American commander at Sackett's Harbor to General Wilkinson, then below, on his unsuccessful approach to Montreal. The fugitives had the address to pass themselves off for Yankees looking for lands, and obtained from the express such information as they desired. Gregg was disposed to rob him of his dispatches, but Walter Kerr would not consent. He subsequently died from the effects of his wound in London. Inheriting a share of Indian blood, from their grandmother, Molly Brant, the young Kerrs have been represented to the author by an American gentleman, who has known them well, "as being alike fearless in battle, and full of stratagem."

On the death of her favorite son, John, the venerable widow of Joseph Brant,* pursuant to the Mohawk law of succession heretofore explained, being herself of the royal line, conferred the title of TEKARIHOGEA upon the infant son of her daughter, Mrs. Kerr. During the minority, the government is exercised by a regency of some kind; but how it is appointed, what are its powers, and at what age the minority terminates, are points unknown to the author. The infant chief is a fine looking lad, three quarters Mohawk, with an eye piercing as the eagle's. But the people over whom he is the legitimate chief-the once mighty Six Nations-the Romans of the new world-whose conquests extended from Lake Champlain west to the falls of the Ohio, and south to the Santee-WHERE ARE THEY ? The proud race is doomed; and Echo will shortly answer, WHERE ?

* This remarkable Indian princess died at Brantford, on the Grand River, on the 24th day of November, 1837-thirty years, to a day, from the death of her husband. Her age was 78 years.

NOTE TO THE FOURTH EDITION.

Since the 1st edition of this work was printed, the author has ascertained that his account of the battle of Queenston is not complete, nor entirely accurate although pains were taken to consult the best authorities, and all known to be extant. The reader, therefore, is requested to examine that account again, commencing at page 505, with the following amendments and additions.

The American force that first crossed the river consisted of three companies, viz., those of Captains Wool, Malcom and Armstrong. They were not undiscovered by the British, but were seen and fired upon before they reached the bank. The enemy, however, fled as the Americans landed, and the three companies mounted the bank and formed in line fronting the heights, Captain Wool commanding, as the senior officer. A few moments afterward, Captain Wool was informed of Col. Van Rensselaer's landing, and ordered to prepare for storming the heights-and soon the command was brought him to march. The detachment did march to the base of the heights, where it was ordered by an aid from Col. Van Rensaelaer to halt; and in a few minutes it was attacked by a party of British from Queenston, which, after a short but severe struggle, was repulsed. In this affair, Lieut. Wallace and Ensign Morris were killed, and Captains Wool, Malcom and Armstrong, and Lieut. Lent, wounded.

Shortly after this success, word was brought to Captain Wool that Col. Van Rensselaer was mortally wounded, and the detachment was ordered to return to the bank of the river. Captain Wool repaired to the Colonel, and volunteered to storm the battery on the heights-and this service was gallantly performed by the three companies of the 13th Infantry under his command, and a small detachment of artillery commanded by Lieuts. Gansevoort and Randolph. Through some cause, probably the severe wounds of Col Van Rensselaer, full credit was not given to Captain Wool, in the official accounts, for his successful gallantry. From this point the narrative is correct, as it proceeds on page 507.

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