Three Rivers
Hudson~Mohawk~Schoharie
History From America's Most Famous Valleys
Life of Joseph Brant-Thayendanegea

Including the Indian Wars of the American Revolution

by William L. Stone. Volume II

Buffalo: Phinney & Co., 1851.

Chapter IX

Difficulties between Great Britain and the United States after the Treaty-Refusal of the former to surrender the western posts-Mission of Baron Steuben to Canada-Indications of fresh Indian hostilities -Movements of Captain Brant- Grand Indian Council at the Huron Village-Address to the United States-Let ter of the Secretary at War, General Knox, to Captain Brant-Letter of Sir John Johnson to Brant-Letter of Major Matthews to Brant, disclosing the views of Lord Dorchester respecting the retention of the western posts-Message from the Hurons to the Five Nations, proposing another grand Council-Preparations of General St. Clair for negotiating with the Indians- Brant begins to distrust them all-Letter of Brant to Patrick Langan, Sir John Johnson's Secretary- Letter of Brant to Sir John Johnson-Great Council at Miamis-Letter of Captain Brant to Patrick Langan-St. Clair's negotiations at Fort Harmar-The policy of dividing to conquer-Letter of Captain Brant to Major Matthews-Jealousies of Brant among the Indians-Council against him at Montreal--Letter to him from Major Matthews-Letter of Brant in reply-Letter to Colonel M'Donnell-Suspected plot against the English at Detroit, and Brant and his Mohawks, by the Hurons, Chippewas, and Pottawattamies-Letter to Brant from Sir John Johnson-Brant turns his attention to the cultivation of letters-Endeavors to obtain a stated Missionary-Resumes the preparation of Religious books-Letter from President Willard-John Norton-Land difficulties among the Indians in the state of New-York-Letter from Governor Clinton to Brant.

UNHAPPILY the treaty of peace did not bring the United States and Great Britain immediately to so good an understanding with each other as could have been desired. Several important questions remained for subsequent arrangement. The treaty proposed a general restoration of confiscated property to all such loyalists as had not actually borne arms in the service of the King. The American Congress passed a resolution recommending the fulfilment of this clause of the treaty by the several states; but it was not considered binding, and South Carolina alone approached to a compliance therewith. There was, likewise, an explicit provision in the treaty, respecting the payment of debts due by Americans to British subjects, not resting upon a recommendation only; the fulfilment of which was sadly neglected. Indeed, the states in which those debts chiefly lay, showed but too plainly an indisposition to aid in carrying the stipulation into effect. On the other hand, the negroes belonging to American citizens who were in the possession and service of the officers of the British army, were not restored; and, contrary to all expectation, Great Britain refused to surrender the military posts upon the American side of the great lakes. The surrender of those posts was expected with the utmost confidence, as one of the most immediate consequences of the ratification of the treaty. To this end, Congress instructed the Commander-in-chief to make all the necessary arrangements to receive and occupy the posts in the Summer of 1783; and in July of that season, the Baron Steuben was despatched by General Washington on a mission to Sir Frederick Haldimand at Quebec, to concert the necessary-dispositions, and proceed along the frontiers as far as Detroit, to examine the different posts, and report in regard to their condition, and how many and which of them it would be expedient for the United States permanently to occupy. * The Baron -met General Haldimand at Sorel, on his way to visit the country of the lakes himself. But on making known his business, the British commander informed him that he had received no instructions for the evacuation of the posts, " or for any other objects than a cessation of hostilities, with which he had complied. He did not consider himself at liberty to enter into any negotiations with the Baron upon the subject, and even refused him the necessary passports for visiting Niagara and Detroit.+ In addition to this, under the pretext that the government of the United States had not sufficient power to enforce the observance of a commercial treaty, Great Britain refused to join in the negotiation of such an instrument.++ Thus situated-the government and people of each nation complaining of the other-crimination and recrimination ensued, until the public feeling became irritated almost to exasperation.

The Indians, in the mean time, brooding over the real or fancied wrongs they had sustained at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, and irritated at the onward current of the white population pressing in their own direction, were becoming restiff; particularly the more distant tribes at the south-west; and their movements indicated any thing but pacific intentions. Indeed, along some portions of the western frontier, particularly on the Ohio river, it could scarcely be said that they had been at peace. Both in 1785 and in 1786, acts of individual hostility were not unfre-
* Letter of Washington to General Haldimand, July 12, 1783 Also, Instruc-
tions of the same to Baron Steuben. + Sparks.
++The fact was but too true. After the common danger of the war had ceased to
bind the States together, the articles of the Confederation were but a rope of sand.
The government was, indeed, but a ricketty concern until the formation of the Con-
stitution of 1787.

quent on the banks of the Ohio and on the Kentucky border; and in both of those years larger parties had repeatedly attacked the crews of boats descending the river. It was likewise certain that two years only had elapsed after the close of the war before a hostile combination of the great north-western nations was supposed to have been formed; and documentary proof has been adduced in the preceding pages that a powerful and influential messenger, in the person of Captain Brant, had been instructed by those nations to ascertain prospectively the measure of assistance they might, in the event of hostilities, expect to receive from Great Britain. It is true that Lord Sidney, in his reply to the message of Thayendanegea, had avoided committing himself either way upon this point. But the message of the Mohawk chief, and the reply of the minister, were alike unknown to the public at that day. Still, it was to the detention of the posts on the lakes that the hostile temper manifested by the Indians, and their frequent outrages on the frontier, were ascribed; with more justice, as will hereafter appear, than Great Britain would be willing to allow.

The conduct of Captain Brant, moreover, when illustrated by his private correspondence as well as his public actions, will presently appear very mysterious, if not equivocal. By retiring with his own nation into Canada, the "Mohawks had not withdrawn from the Confederacy of the Six Nations, nor had Thayendanegea relinquished his official rank as the principal or superior chief of the whole, though five of them remained within the United States. The differences which thus early sprang up between the United States and the Indians, arose upon a question of boundary; the latter maintaining that the Ohio river was not to be crossed by the people of the former. Captain Brant espoused the cause of the Indians at large upon this question, and had early and strenuously exerted himself to compass a grand confederation of all the north-western tribes and nations, of which, it is believed, he intended to be the head. The incipient steps to the formation of such a confederacy, the reader has already seen, had been taken in 1785, previous to his departure for England. On his return in the following year, his efforts for that object were renewed.* In December, 1786, a

* Letter of General Knox, Secretary of War-11th May, 1791.

grand confederate council of the Indians north-west of the Ohio, including the Six Nations, was held at Huron Village, near the mouth of the Detroit River. This council was attended by the Six Nations, and the Hurons, Ottawas, Twitchtwees, [Miamis,] Shawanese, Chippewas, Cherokees, Delawares, Pottawattamies, and the Wabash Confederates. On the 18th of that month, an address to the Congress of the United States was agreed upon, the tone of which was pacific-provided the United States made-no encroachments upon their lands beyond the Ohio. After a declaration of their surprise that they were not included in the treaty of peace, they observed that they had nevertheless received a message from the King, advising them to remain quiet. They had likewise received two very agreeable messages from the thirteen States, from the tenor of which they had anticipated a period of repose. But while they were devising the best measures to secure this result and form a lasting reconciliation-- while they had " the best thoughts in their minds, mischief had happened." Still, they were anxious to prevent farther trouble, as a principal means of which they recommended that no treaties should be formed by the United States with separate Indian tribes or nations; but that all treaties for lands should be negotiated openly and above board, in the most public manner, and by the united voice of the Confederacy. They attributed the " mischief and confusion " that had arisen, to the fact that the United States would have every tiling their own way-that they would " kindle the council-fires wherever they thought pro" per, without consulting the Indians." At the treaty of Fort Stanwix in 1784, they had urged a different policy; and they believed that, had the course then recommended, of treating only in a general conference of the nations, been pursued, all would have continued peace and concord between them. Notwithstanding the mischiefs that had happened, the council professed their strong desire of peace. " This," they said, " is the determination of all the chiefs of the Confederacy, now assembled, notwithstanding that several Indian chiefs were killed in our villages, even when in council, and when absolutely engaged in promoting peace with you, the thirteen United States." In order to ensure this desirable result, they proposed a grand confederate council, to be holden at some half-way place in the ensuing spring-recommending to the United States, in the mean-
VOL. II. 18

time to prevent their surveyors and other people from crossing to the Indian side of the Ohio. This important address concluded in the following words:-" BROTHERS : It shall not be our faults, if the plans which we have suggested to you should not be carried into execution. In that case the event will be very precarious, and if fresh ruptures ensue, we hope to be able to exculpate ourselves, and shall most assuredly, with our united force, be obliged to defend those rights and privileges which have been transmitted to us by our ancestors ; and if we should be thereby reduced to misfortunes, the world will pity us when they think of the amicable proposals we now ake to prevent the unnecessary effusion of blood. These are our thoughts and firm resolves, and we earnestly desire that you would transmit to us, as soon as possible, your answer, be it what it may."

This address, the ultimatum antecedent to the general war that afterward arose; was not signed by individual chiefs, but by the nation, the name of the nation being written, and the bird or animal adopted as the national emblem rudely marked upon the paper. Thayendanegea was present and active at this council, as will appear by the annexed letter, found among his papers, from the American Secretary of War, General Knox:-

GENERAL KNOX TO CAPTAIN BRANT.
" War Office, July 23d, 1787.
" SIR:-
" On the 17th instant, and not before, I received the favor of your letter, dated 'Huron Town, Dec. 18th, 1786,' enclosing the original speech by the several nations of Indians met at the same time and place, to the United States in Congress assembled.

" It appears from the information of General Butler, the Superintendent, that the Shawanese neglected to forward the above despatches at the time it was expected they would; and it appears by a letter from Captain Pipe, of the Delawares, and the Half-King of the "Wyandots, dated at Sandusky the 3d of June, that they forwarded the despatches finally to Fort Pitt-at which place, and at the same time also, your messengers arrived with your letters to General Butler, dated Buffalo Creek, the 16th of May, 1787, enclosing a copy, or translation of the speech of the chiefs, transmitted By Captain Pipe and the Half-King of the Wyandots.

" I mention these circumstances, to convince you that the result of your council, at the Huron village, in December, has been a long time in travelling to this city.

" On the receipt of your papers, they were submitted to Congress, who have taken the same into consideration, and will soon come to some decision thereon, which will be communicated to the Superintendant, in order to be transmitted to you.

" I have the honor to be,
" Sir,
" Your most obedient,
" Humble servant,
" H. KNOX.
" COLONEL JOSEPH BRANT,
" One of the Chiefs of the Mohawk Nation."
Neither the preceding letter, nor that in reply to which it was written, has been preserved in the archives of the American Department of War. The signature of " The Five Nations," however, stood at the head of the list, and from the rank and superior intelligence of Thayendanegea, there can be little doubt that the address to the Government of the United States was dictated, if not written, by him. That it was in entire accordance with his views, appears most fully by the following letter from Sir John Johnson. This letter is worthy of preservation, as affording the first authentic evidence of the equivocal attitude Great Britain was assuming in regard to the Indian relations of the United States.

SIR JOHN JOHNSON TO CAPTAIN BRANT
" Quebec, March 22d, 1787.
" DEAR SIR,
" I have received your letter of the 14th of February. I am happy to find things turned out as you wished at your several meetings in the Indian country near Detroit, and I hope it may have the effect you wish in preventing the Americans from incroaching on your lands. Your conduct, I hope, for your own sake, will always be such as to justify the good opinion that has been entertained of you by your friends the English, and such as will merit the continuance of their friendship. I hope in all your decisions you will conduct yourselves with prudence, and moderation, having always an eye to the friendship that has so long subsisted between you and the King's subjects, upon whom alone you can and ought to depend. You have no reason to fear any breach of promise on the part of the King. Is he not every year giving fresh proofs of his friendship ? What greater could you expect than is now about to be performed, by giving an ample compensation for your losses, which is yet withheld from us, his subjects. ? Do not suffer bad men or evil advisers to lead you astray ; every thing that is reasonable and consistent with the friendship that ought to be preserved between us, will be done for you all. Do not suffer an idea to hold a place in your mind, that it will be for your interests to sit still and see the Americans attempt the posts.* It is for your sakes chiefly, if not entirely, that we hold them. If you become indifferent about them, they may perhaps be given up; what security would you then have ? You would be left at the mercy of a people whose blood calls aloud for revenge ; whereas, by supporting them, you encourage us to hold them, and entourage the new settlements, already considerable, and every day increasing by numbers coming in, who find they can't live in the States. Many thousands are preparing to come in. This increase of his Majesty's subjects will serve as a protection for you, should the subjects of the States, by endeavoring to make farther encroachments on you, disturb your quiet. At present I think there is little to apprehend from any but the Southern States; those to the eastward are already opposed to each other in arms, + and have shed blood, and the disorder seems to be spreading throughout. Men of character are coming in here to see if no assistance will be given them; and the people of New England, who were the most violent at the commencement of the war, are now the most desirous of returning under the British government, should Great Britain incline to receive them, which many think they would not.

" Remember me in the most friendly manner to Mrs. Brant all your family, and to all my brothers in your- settlement, and

* Oswegatchie, Oswego, Niagara, Detroit and Mackinaw-withheld from the United States, as heretofore stated in the text
+ This allusion refers to the memorable insurrection of Captain Shays, in Massachusetts.

tell them to be patient, and that they will find that all that has been promised them, coming within my knowledge, will be performed. I hope to see you in the course of the summer ; in the mean time, I remain with truth,
" Dear Sir,
" Your friend and
" Humble servant,
" JOHN JOHNSON." *

The object of this communication will be seen at a glance. It is unfortunate that the letter of Thayendanegea, giving the private history of the great Amphictyonic council of the Indians, has not been discovered. Still, enough can be learned from the scattered correspondence that remains, to show that Great Britain was by no means an indifferent observer of the storm gathering in the north-west. It is also evident that the officers of the crown in Canada were rejoicing in the insurrection of Captain Shays in Massachusetts; which, though at one moment of threatening importance, had been crushed but a few days before the Baronet's letter was written, of which result he had not then been apprised. That insurrection was a consequence, in the main, of the weakness of the government of the confederacy. Fortunately, however, instead of working farther detriment to the republic, its influence was not inconsiderable in binding the states more firmly together, by means of the Constitution, which arose from the ruins of the old Articles of Confederation in the course of the same year. There is another feature in the letter of Sir John deserving to be noted. It discloses the fact, that already, even so early as the year 1787, had the British authorities imbibed the absurd notion that the people of New England, who had been first in raising the standard of revolt, wearied with their freedom, were seeking a dismemberment of the Union, that they might throw themselves back into the arms of their former sovereign. Nor was this idea eradicated until after the failure of a miserable intrigue, under the Canadian administration of Sir James H. Craig, with a worthless fellow named John Henry, in 1810.

Great Britain not only continued to retain possession of the north-western posts, but added to their strength. Upon this sub-
* Copied from the original, among the Brant papers.

ject and the policy by which she was governed in regard to it, the following letter reflects additional light. It was addressed to Captain Brant by Major Matthews, whose name has already occurred as an officer in the suite of Sir Guy Carleton-who had now become Lord Dorchester. Matthews had been assigned to the command of Detroit, and was on his way thither when the letter, was written:-

MAJOR MATTHEWS TO CAPTAIN BRANT.
" Niagara, 29th May, 1787.
" MY DEAR FRIEND,

" A few days before I left Quebec, I had the pleasure to receive your letter of the 3d April, and was happy at the prospect I had of so soon answering it in person, and once more shaking hands together upon our old ground. On my arrival yesterday, I was much disappointed to hear that you had left this place, and gone by a route which, for the present, prevents our meeting ; for though there is nothing I wish more than to pay you a visit in your settlement, and to have a conversation with you, the despatch which I am under the necessity of making to Detroit, renders it impossible. I therefore sit down to thank you for the information in your last, and to renew our old agreement of communicating freely to each other whatsoever we may know or think is for the mutual advantage and well-being of that cause, which has always been common, and which, I am persuaded, is equally dear to us both; and being better informed of what relates to the situation of affairs in this quarter than when I last wrote to you, I shall begin by informing you of what his Excellency, Lord Dorchester, desired I would, should I chance to fall in with you. His Lordship wishes you should be acquainted that, when he arrived at Quebec last fall, it was too late to forward any thing more than a few provisions necessary for the posts and Indians; a part of which even could not proceed on account of the ice; but that, he did not forget the presents intended for the Indians ; and had, as soon as the communication opened, ordered them to be sent up from Montreal. At the same time his Lordship was sorry to learn, that while the Indians were soliciting his assistance in their preparations for war, some of the Six Nations had sent deputies to Albany to treat with the Americans, who, it is said, have made a treaty with them, granting permission to make roads for the purpose of coming to Niagara; but that, notwithstanding these things; the Indians should have their presents, as they are marks of the King's approbation of their former conduct. In future his Lordship wishes them to act as is best for their interest; he cannot begin a war with the Americans, because some of their people encroach and make depredations upon parts of the Indian country; but they must see it is his Lordship's intention to defend the posts ; and that while these are preserved, the Indians must find great security therefrom, and consequently the Americans greater difficulty in taking possession of their lands; but should they once become masters of the posts, they will surround the Indians, and accomplish their purpose with little trouble. From a consideration of all which, it therefore remains with the Indians to decide what is most for their own interest, and to let his Lordship know their determination, that he may take his measures accordingly; but, whatever their resolution is, it should be taken as by one and the same people, by which means they will be respected and become strong; but if they divide, and act one part against the other, they will become weak, and help to destroy each other. This, my dear Joseph, is the substance of what his Lordship desired me to tell you, and I request yon will give his sentiments that mature consideration which their justice, generosity, and desire to promote the welfare and happiness of the Indians, must appear to all the world to merit.

" In your letter to me, you seem apprehensive that the English are not very anxious about the defence of the posts. You will soon be satisfied that they have nothing more at heart, provided that it continues to be the wish of the Indians, and that they remain firm in doing their part of the business, by preventing the Americans from coming into their country, and consequently from marching to the posts. On the other hand, if the Indians think it more for their interest that the Americans should have possession of the posts, and be established in their country, they ought to declare it, that the English need no longer be put to the vast and unnecessary expense and inconvenience of keeping posts, the chief object of which is to protect their Indian allies, and the loyalists who have suffered with them. It is well-known that no encroachments ever have or ever will be made by the English upon the lands or property of the Indians in consequence of their possessing the posts, how far that will be the case if ever the Americans get into them, may very easily be imagined, from their hostile perseverance, even without that advantage, in driving the Indians off their lands and taking possession of them.

" In regard to myself, I have to acquaint you, that in consequence of the reports which reached Quebec from the upper country respecting the intentions of the Americans against the posts, Lord Dorchester has been pleased to permit me to take the command of Detroit, which is garrisoned by the regiment I am in, and has ordered that another regiment be sent up for the protection of the posts in general, two companies of which, under the command of your acquaintance, Captain Malcolm, arrived with me in the Seneca, and I am to take two companies of the 53d from hence, to reinforce Detroit; so that I think we shall have but little to apprehend from any thing in the power of the Americans to attempt. I confess to you I have no idea they have any serious intention of the kind, the few troops they can muster not being sufficient to support their government; they are, besides, in rebellion, and cutting each others' throats. A people in this situation are but ill able to march considerable armies with artillery and the necessary stores, (which they must have to be successful,) through a distant and difficult country.

" Inclosed I send you a letter from Sir John Johnson. It will probably inform you that the presents mentioned by Lord Dorchester are sent up; they crossed the lake in the ship with me, and are stored here, waiting the arrival of Sir John for the distribution of them.

" On your way to the Southern Council, I shall hope for the satisfaction of seeing you at Detroit ; in the meantime I remain, with very sincere regard,

" My dear friend,
" Your faithful and obedient servant,
" R. MATTHEWS.
" If Mrs. Brant is with you, I beg you will recommend me in
the kindest manner to her."

There can be no misunderstanding touching the purport of this letter. Lord Dorchester would no more commit himself on the question of a direct participation, in the event of actual declared hostilities between the Indian Confederacy and the Americans, than Lord Sidney had done. Captain, now Major Matthews, was anxious to confer with Captain Brant for the mutual advantage and well-being of that cause, which had always been common, and equally dear," &c. His Lordship wished the Indians to act as was best for their own interest he could not begin a war with the Americans, but they must see that it was his Lordship's intention to defend the posts; and while these were preserved, the Indians must find great security therefrom, and the Americans greater difficulty in taking possession of their lands, &c. Indeed, the whole tenor of the letter was to promote a feeling of hostility in the bosoms of the Indians against the United States, with a mutual understanding that the British government was maintaining the posts for the benefit of the Indians; while the Indian hostilities, should they ensue, would serve to check or prevent the Americans from obtaning possession of them.

There are neither printed nor written records, from which any additional information can be drawn respecting the conduct and movements of Captain Brant during the residue of the year 1787. The delay in the transmission of his despatches to the government of the United States, as mentioned in the letter of General Knox, had of course disappointed the Indians in their expectation of an early reply from Congress. In consequence of this delay, another grand council was determined upon by the western Indians, of which, among the papers of Captain Brant, is the following notification to his nation :-

MESSAGE FROM THE HURONS OF DETROIT TO THE FIVE
NATIONS.
" January 21st, 1788.
"BRETHREN,

"Nothing yet has reached us in answer to the messages sent to the Americans on the breaking up of our General Council, nor is it now probable we shall hear from them before our next meeting takes place; a circumstance that ought to expedite us in our business. The nations this way have adhered hitherto to the engagements entered into before we parted, at least as far as has come to our knowledge; and we intend immediately to call them to this council-fire, which shall be uncovered at the time appointed; that without farther delay-some decisive measures may be finally fixed upon for our future interest, which must govern hereafter the conduct of ail the nations in our alliance ; and tills we intend to be the last council for the purpose; therefore it is needless for us to urge farther the indispensable necessity of all nations being present at the conclusion of affairs tending so much to their own future welfare and happiness. And we do in a particular manner desire you, the Five Nations, to be strong and punctual in your promise of being with us early and in time ; and that not only the warriors, but the chiefs of your several nations attend on this occasion. We shall therefore endeavor to have as many of the western and southern Indians as possible collected.

"Strings of Wampum."

Accompanying this address to the Five Nations, was another of similar import, (save only that it expressed the dissatisfaction of the Hurons at the proceedings of the former grand council,) directed to the other tribes of Canadian Indians, and summoning them to appear at the great council-fire of the Confederacy in the Spring.

It will appear by the three letters next successively to be introduced, that Captain Brant was preparing in March to attend the proposed council, and that, having attended the said council, his views became more pacific. He had, however, begun to distrust all the nations of his own confederacy, excepting only the Mohawks-and probably not without reason. The Congress of the United States, in the Autumn of the preceding year, had given instructions to Major General St. Clair, then Governor of the North-western territory, to inquire particularly into the temper of the Indians, and if he found it still hostile, to endeavor to hold as general a treaty with them as he could convene ; and although the purchase of the Indian right to the soil was not to be considered a primary object, yet he was instructed if possible to extinguish their title as far westward as the Mississippi river. It will be seen presently, that Brant had, even thus early, reason to suppose, that in a war with the United States the majority of the Five Nations would not be found in arms. The gentleman to whom two of these letters were addressed, was Patrick Langan, Esq. private secretary to Sir John Johnson:-

CAPTAIN BRANT TO LIEUTENANT LANGAN.*
" Grand River, March 20th, 1788.
"DEAR SIR,

" I hope you have enjoyed your health since I had the pleasure to see you last. We have had no particular news here from the southward, only they are preparing to have another great Coun cil in that country early in the Spring, and I am obliged to attend myself there. As for the Five Nations, most of them have sold themselves to the Devil-I mean to the Yankeys. Whatever they do after this, it must be for the Yankeys-not for the Indians or the English. We mean to speak to them once more. We must, in the first place, get the Mohawks away from the Bay of Quinte. As soon as we can get them here, we shall begin to argue to the Five Nations, and will show our example of getting together ourselves ; also, we shall know who is for the Yankeys and who is not. I forgot to mention to Sir John I wanted very much to have the papers here. I mean the list of our losses and claims, and our names. I should be much obliged to you if you would be so kind as to send me those papers, or the copies of them, as there are some disputes here concerning those lists. I should be exceeding happy if you could get me a quater of a pound of sewing thread, of silk, of different colors, and Send me the account and the money I owed you before. Also, I wish you could get me a pipe tomahawk. Please to get the best, if you can.

"Sir, I remain
" Your most obedient, humble servant,
" JOSEPH BRANT.
" To Lieutenant Langan."

There is no farther information of Brant or his movements until the closing week of August, at which time he was in the neighborhood of Detroit, preparing to mingle in the deliberations of the great council spoken of in the preceding letter. The following is a copy of a letter found among his papers, written at this time:

* Copied from the original by the author.

CAPTAIN BRANT TO SIR JOHN JOHNSON.
" Huron Village, mouth of the Detroit.)
" 29th August, 1788.)
" SIR,

" I am happy to inform you of our having arrived at Detroit the 10th inst. The party with Capt. David who went by water, and those with myself who went by land, being so lucky as to arrive the same inst. And wishing to lose as little time as possible, the next day we met the principal men of the Hurons, Chippewas; Ottawas, and Pottawattamies. As they had lost three of their Chiefs, we went through our ancient custom of condoling with them, by giving about 10,000 wampum, as we could not proceed with our public business till such time as that ceremony was over; when, upon examining into the business we came about, I plainly foresaw numberless difficulties, owing to the people here not being so unanimous as the situation of affairs requires. The Wyandots do not wish to attend at the place that was last Fall agreed upon, but wish to have the Council at this place ; but that we strenuously opposed; and have got them to consent to meet at the Miamis; their reason is, I believe, that they would wish to have a private and separate meeting with the Americans to settle matters for themselves. On the other hand, the Twightwees or Miamis are quite the reverse,-wishing by no means to fall in with the Hurons in their way of thinking, but would wish to be at open war with the Americans. Thus are matters here situated. However, I have some reason to think that if we can get them at the appointed place of rendezvous, we will be aide to point out to them their error, and get them again to adopt the measures that the whole of us agreed upon, and cause that unanimity to subsist among us, which is so requisite in our situation, and without which we cannot expect the business will terminate so much to our satisfaction as it otherwise would. In case that they should be headstrong, and not wish to fall in with our plan of operation, I shall scarcely know how to act upon it, but shall take every necessary precaution to prevent the minds of those who are unanimous being any ways inflamed by those nations in opposition and wavering. Still I hope to have the pleasure of writing to you a more favorable account after we have had a meeting. Capt. McKee has given us every assistance that he could towards forwarding our business, and I expect will attend the Council at the Miamis, which I sincerely hope will now be soon. Upon leaving Niagara, I found from the multiplicity of business which we should have, that it would be highly requisite to have a man with us who understood the English language, and capable of transacting business, for which purpose we have thought proper to appoint Ralph Clement, and will make him some allowance out of the money we are to receive next summer for the lands sold the Americans. In the meantime I have to request you will be so kind as to allow him something towards defraying his necessary expenses out of the Indian store at Niagara. Upon application made to Col. Butler, he did not think proper to advance him any thing without he should have your order for it. As to the news from the Southern Indians and American Commissioners, we have some accounts, but must refer you to Capt. McKee, who writes you by this vessel, for the particulars. This is the fourth letter I have written you since I had the pleasure of seeing you last.

" Your most obedient servant,
" JOSEPH BRANT
" Sir John Johnson."

From the nomadic habits of the Indians, and the long distances most of their nations were obliged to travel, the gathering of their great council was a work of time. Thus it will be seen that six weeks more elapsed, before the kindling of the council-fire, and how much longer it is impossible to tell, from the brokenness of the correspondence of the chief, who was probably the only writer among them. On the 7th of October the Captain wrote as follows :-

CAPTAIN BRANT TO LIEUTENANT LANGAN.
" Miamis River, 7th October, 1788.
"DEAR SIR,

" The business I have been obliged to attend to since I had the pleasure of seeing you, had so much taken up my attention, and kept me so busily employed, that I have scarcely had time to write any of my friends. And, indeed, nothing worth communicating has occurred, or otherwise I should have strained a point to have dropt you a line, as my intention always was to correspond with you, who, I am certain, would at any time spare a moment to acknowledge the receipt. I have done myself the pleasure of writing four letters to Sir John, who, I hope, has received them,* as I would wish to give him every information affecting our proceedings. Probably his time is too busily employed to attend to them, and that it would be more agreeable to him if I corresponded with you on public business. I should be happy to hear from time to time whether my conduct met with his approbation, as I would not wish to act in any manner that he would not approve; he being at the head of the department, is the one we look to for advice*

" Upon my arrival at Detroit I found the nations there. All had forgot our last Fall's agreements, and were averse to attend the council at this place. However, we talked over matters with them, and convinced them of the necessity there was for our being unanimous, and determining the business that has been so long in agitation, and after some time, I prevailed, and have got them all here. After waiting at this place, for near five weeks, the arrival of the Shawanese, Miamis, Onidas, and the rest of the nations westward of this, are at last arrived; so that I am in hopes in a few days to be able to give you the particulars of our meeting. I have still my doubts whether we will all join or not, some being no ways inclined for peaceable methods. The Hurons, Chippewas, Ottawas, Pottawattamies, and Delawares, will join with us in trying lenient steps, and having a boundary line fixed ; and, rather than enter headlong into a destructive war, will give up a small part of their country. On the other hand, the Shawanese, Miamis, and Kickapoos, who are now so much addicted to horse-stealing that it will be a difficult task to break them of it, as that kind of business is their best harvest, will of course declare for war, and not giving up any of their country, which, I am afraid, will be the means of our separating. They are, I believe, determined not to attend the treaty with the Americans. Still I hope for the best. Asthe major part of the nations are of our opinions, the rest may be brought to, as nothing shall be wanting on my part to con-
* One only of these has been discovered-that of the 25th of August, on the preceding page. The author has made many efforts to obtain the papers of Sir John Johnson, where these letters, probably, may yet be found-but without success. They're either scattered and lost, or have been taken to England.

vince them of their error. I sincerely hope our business may terminate to our general interest and satisfaction. We have not as yet entered upon public matters, as the Shawanese have a great feast, which will take up a couple of days after which we will have a general meeting, and then we will be certain of each other's opinions. Till then, I am, with compliments to Sir John and Mrs. Claus,
" Your most obed't friend,
" And very humble serv't,
" Jos. BRANT.
" P. Langan."

The tone of the three immediately preceding letters, is more pacific than might have been anticipated. Indeed, they seem to indicate a change in the intentions of the writer, which it will be found somewhat difficult to reconcile with portions of his subsequent conduct. He is in these letters-particularly the last addressed to Lieutenant Langan, though intended more especially for the information of Sir John Johnson-the friend of peace-perhaps being compelled to assume that attitude by the force of circumstances-having reason to anticipate the success- temporary, as it proved-which was to crown the Indian diplomacy of General St. Clair. In his first letter to Langan, Brant had declared that " the Six Nations had sold themselves to the devil," or, in other words, " to the Yankees," which in his opinion was equivalent thereto-and the result was shortly aftterward such as to sustain his sagacity.

No records of the proceedings of the grand council so long assembling in the Autumn of 1788, have been discovered, although it appears by a letter from Captain Brant to his friend Matthews, who had returned once more to Quebec, written in March, 1789, that all the proceedings and speeches had been forwarded-by Captain M'Kee probably-to Lord Dorchester. The presumption is, that the council came to no harmonious conclusion, inasmuch as a treaty was shortly afterward held with the Americans at Fort Harmar, which was attended by only a part of the Indians, while its proceedings were subsequently disavowed by other and the larger portions of the nations.

Be these things, however, as they may, on the 2d of May following, (1789,*) General St. Clair wrote to President Washington from New-York, announcing that on the 9th of the preceding month of January, he had concluded two separate treaties with the Indians assembled in council at Fort Harmar; the first with the sachems and warriors of the Five Nations, the Mohawks excepted-and the second with the sachems and warriors of the Wyandot, Delaware, Ottawa, Chippewa, Pottawattame and Sac Nations. The reason of these separate negotiations, as explained by General St. Clair; was found in the Roman maxim-" Divide et impera." " A jealousy," says the General, " subsisted between them, which I was not willing to lessen by appearing to consider them as one people. They do not so consider themselves ; and I am persuaded their general confederacy is entirely broken. Indeed, it would not be very difficult, if circumstances required it, to set them at deadly variance."+ This Machiavelian policy of dividing to conquer -of poising nations, tribes, and factions against each other, that all may the more easily be crushed at will-is an ancient mode of war, and has been practised by every government having the opportunity. Its morality, however, cannot be defended-more especially in regard to the simple children of the American forests, against whom it has been prosecuted with the greatest success. Still, there was an approximation to justice, in a pecuniary point of view, toward the Indians, in these negotiations of General St. Clair, which had not been previously countenanced by Congress. From the date of the peace with England, to the reception of the address of October, 1786, from the Grand Council at Huron Village, Congress had acted upon the principle that the treaty with Great Britain invested them with the fee of all the Indian lands within the boundaries of the United States. The address of the Indian Council, of December, 1786, written, as has been assumed, by Captain Brant, asserted a contrary principle-viz: that the Indians were the only rightful proprietors of the soil. And this principle was acceded to in the instructions of Congress to General St. Clair, of October, 1787, and July, 1788-++ However greatly the Indians may have
* Erroneously dated, May 2d, 1798, in the State Papers, as will be seen by the dates of the treaties, and by the Report of the Secretary of War, July 7, 1799.
+ St. Clair's letter, Am. State Papers, Vol. IV. p. 10.
++ Vide State Papers, Vol. IV. p. 9 ; and report of the Secretary of War, July 15, 1789-same vol. p. 13.

been defrauded since that date, such has at least been the basis of all subsequent negotiations with them for lands.

Although the Mohawks were not parties to the treaty of Fort Harmar, yet it appears that they, at least their chief, Thayendanegea, must have been present at its negotiation. This fact is disclosed in a passage in his letter to Major Matthews, already referred to : " You'll hear by this opportunity the result of our jaunt to the southward, as Captain M'Kee has sent down all the proceedings of our councils with the American Commissioners, speeches, and answers. Our proceedings have been such as I hope will be approved of. I must farther mention that much may yet be done, if we meet with necessary assistance, as business cannot be carried on in the upper country to advantage without the attendance of the Five Nations, which they cannot do without being more amply supplied than heretefore with ammunition, provisions, &c. I have ever been forward in pointing out what I thought would tend to the good of our service, and which has ever been attended to, notwithstanding that my friends below seem to credit these reports. Still, my attachment to government is such, that personal injury will not have sufficient weight to make me swerve from the duty I owe my King."*

There is an allusion, in the closing sentences of this quotation, to certain " private griefs" of the writer, requiring an explanation. Captain Brant was no more exempt than other men from the ill-will and evil machinations of the envious and jealous. "Great honors are great burdens" as well among the red men as the white ; and it was the fate of the noble Mohawk to encounter his full share of trials of this description. Difficulties had already sprung up in the administration of his affairs, not only with the Provincial Government, in regard to the nature of the title which the Mohawks were to receive of the lands
* Letter from Joseph Brant to Capt. Matthews, March 8, 1789, among the Brant papers. Writing to Governor Clinton respecting the conduct of Captain Brant touching St. Clair's proceedings at Fort Harmar, President Washington said- "Captain Brant has not been candid in his account of General St. Clair, nor done justice in his representation of matters at Muskingum. It is notorious that he used all the art and influence of which he was possessed to prevent any treaty being held; and that, except in a small degree, General St. Clair aimed at no more land by the treaty of Muskinaum than had been ceded by the preceding treaties."-Let- ter from President Washington to Governor Clinton, Dec. 1, 1790.
VOL. II. 19

granted them on the Ouise or Grand River, but also between the chief and some of the Indians themselves; not Mohawks, but stragglers from other tribes of the Iroquois Confederacy. During the protracted absence of the Captain to the councils of the preceding year, in the country of the great lakes, it appears that a council of disaffected Indians had been held at Montreal; the object of which was to denounce the conduct of Brant, but in what respects does not exactly appear. Strong complaints were preferred against him, however, at that council, " not only in the name of the Five Nations; but by some of his relations " and intimate friends," under circumstances, and with an air so imposing, as to give serious alarm to his friends at the castle of St. Lewis.

On the 3d of January, 1789, Major Matthews addressed a long letter to his Mohawk friend, on the subject of that council, and the charges then and there preferred against him. This letter was written by Matthews with the knowledge and approbation of a distinguished personage, who, although his name is not given, must have been Lord Dorchester. Major Matthews did not specify the charges made against his friend, and they can only be vaguely surmised from the following extract: " The circumstances which have been alleged against you, you haveno doubt been minutely informed of. It is therefore unnecessary, and would be painful to me, to recapitulate them. Your friend* wishes you to reflect seriously upon the fatal consequences that must attend a misunderstanding and disunion of your nation, and of those Indians who might make the settlement upon the Grand River a happy retreat for themselves and their posterity, by a cordial and friendly union. How materially the contrary must weaken their interest, and yours in particular, in the great scale of the Indian Confederacy; and how heavy the blame must fall upon whoever shall be considered the promoter of so great a calamity. He therefore recommends to you, as the safest and surest road to consequence and fame, to effect, without loss of time, a perfect reconciliation with your friends and fellow-settlers; convincing them, by your mildness and generosity, and still more by a strict attention to justice, that you are worthy of their confidence; exert all your powers in establishing perfect union and friendship among
* Lord Dorchester doubtless, meaning.

your own nation, and you will convince those at a distance that you are capable and worthy of cementing a general union for good purposes.

" Having thus far given you the sentiments of a hearty well wisher, I cannot conclude without adding from myself, in the language and with the heart of an old and sincere friend, that I feel more sensibly than I can find words to express, for the critical situation in which every person who was present at the Council must consider you to stand with your nation. For my own part I could scarce believe my own eyes and ears, when I saw and heard our old friends, whose hands and hearts have been so long joined together in one common cause, pour out complaints against you ; and they did it at the same time with such reluctance and concern, that it was the more affecting. It is impossible that men who were born, brought up, who have so oft fought by each others' sides, and bled together, can seriously disagree. The whole must be a misunderstanding, and must be explained with reconciliation. It is noble and generous to acknowledge an error, and mutually to forgive injuries; and, my dear Joseph, listen to mine, and to the voice of your friends, who wish your happiness by seeing you so firmly re-united with your own flesh and blood as to resist any power on earth that would separate you from them."*

It is from the reply of Captain Brant to this communication, that the brief reference to the proceedings of the western councils has been quoted. In regard to the proceedings at Montreal to which his attention had been so earnestly invited by his correspondent, the answer of Captain Brant was full and frank, manifesting on his own part, a feeling of dignified and conscious rectitude. The charges themselves were not specified by the chief in his defence, but the inference deduced from his language is, that his integrity had been impeached in regard to their lands, and his loyalty questioned to the King; and farther, that he had been censured for introducing a few white settlers upon the Indian lands-his object in so doing, being to benefit the Indians by the better examples of the whites in husbandry, and also by the introduction of some of the mechanic arts
* Extracted from the original letter of Capt, Matthews, among the Brant papers.

among them. He regrets that his enemies, few in number, as he says, had availed themselves of his absence to assail his character, at a moment, too, when in a distant country he was exerting all his energies for the benefit of his people ; and regrets still more that his friends in Montreal had listened to the charges for a moment, until after he could have a hearing. If he had erred at all, he maintained that it could only have been in the warmth of his ardour in promoting the substantial interests of his nation. In the course of his letter, he pointed with modest exultation to the proceedings of a full Council of the Five Nations, held at Niagara, in presence of the agent and the commanding officer, subsequent to the denunciation at Montreal, by which his conduct had been approved. Should the proceedings of this council be, insufficient to remove " the censure thrown up on him by a seditious -and discontented few, and make the " complainants appear in their proper light," the Captain suggested that he should make application to the agents at Detroit and Niagara for certificates of his conduct during the war and since the peace; and thus provided, he would repair to head-quarters with all the principal men, both sachems and warriors,* of all the nations settled in that country, and let them speak freely. After which, he hoped to stand better with " the great men below" than he had reason to suppose he did at that time.

With the conclusion of the treaties of January, 1789, by General St. Clair, the purpose of forming a grand Indian Confederacy, to include the Five Nations, which should be lasting, was defeated, at least for that time; and although peace had not been restored to the south-western settlements on the Ohio, yet the name of Captain Brant does not again appear in connexion with the affairs of the western Indians during the residue of the year 1789 and the two succeeding years. It appears, however, by the copy of a letter found among his papers, addressed by him to Colonel M'Donnell, in September, that the Shawanese
* "Both Sachems and warriors." " A Sachem is considered a civil magistrate, who takes precedence of all war-chiefs in time of peace, and is hereditary. Not so the war-chiefs. They, as by all the rest of the world, are made by the voice of the nation for their gallantry in the field. In time of war, the war-chiefs take the command, and direct all the movements,-what is called in civilized life,-martial law." Letters to the author from Colonel William J. Kerr. The distinction is scarcely ever observed in writing of Indian affairs, since sachems, warriors, chiefs, are most usually written indiscriminately, as it happens.

had then just sent an embassy, "inviting the Five Nations very strongly to a grand council of the different nations, to be held at the Wyandot Town, near Detroit, for the purpose of RENEWING and STRENGTHENING the Confederacy. We left it," the letter continues, " entirely to the Buffalo Creek people to determine how to act, because they are in general backward and dilatory; but for our parts, we can always be ready at the shortest notice. I, however, think, myself, that it cannot take place until next Spring, since by this time the young men have begun to scatter in the woods for hunting; and it would be necessary to have them present to hear what is agreed upon by the chiefs; and by that means whatever may be agreed on will more firmly effect and unite the different nations. The larger number present from the different nations the better." Whether the proposed council was held, or whether, if held. Captain Brant participated in its deliberations, is not known.

But while Thayendanegea had successfully vindicated himself from the aspersions of the disaffected of his own people, as has been seen, and while he was pondering upon the invitation of the Shawanese to attempt the assembling of another great council in the west, he was admonished of the rumored existence of a plot against the English garrison at Detroit, and also against himself and his own people in their new location, concerted by his recent quasi confederates, the Hurons, Pottawattamies, and Chippewas. The inauspicious rumor was communicated to him in writing by Sir John Johnson.

SIR JOHN JOHNSON TO CAPTAIN BRANT.
"Montreal, 4th Nov. 1789.
"DEAR JOSEPH,

" I do not think I should be justifiable in not acquainting you (though perhaps you may have heard the report,) that an account has been received at Detroit, upon the oath of one the party concerned, that the Hurons, Pottawattamies, and Chippewas are concerned in a plot to cut off the garrison at Detroit, and your settlement, this Winter, or as soon as the navigation of the lakes is shut up. Though this information wants farther confirmation, and I give very little credit to it, I think you had better be on your guard, and try to find out the real situation, designs, and disposition of those nations, by sending some trusty, unsuspected persons among them. I should imagine that you had some friends among the Hurons that you could rely upon to give you all the information you want, and that some trusty Messissagoes might be got to go among the other nations to watch their motions; any recompense for these services will be readily granted, if you flunk them necessary, upon producing this letter to Lieut. Col. Butler, or Mr. M'Kee.

"I have your letter to Langan of the 23d of September. As to the business of Aaron and Isaac, so much has been said on that already, and, in fact, it is so trifling, that nothing farther is necessary to be said in answer to that part of your letter; but I must acknowledge that I am a little hurt at the other queries you put to him, as they are the offspring of an ungenerous suspicion, and ill-founded doubts of the conduct and sincerity of your best and only friends. Rest assured that we know nothing of the intentions of government to relinquish or give up the posts, so far from any appearance of it, I am well informed that the post of Niagara is put, or putting, into the best state of defence the nature of the works will admit of, as I believe all the others are likewise ; and I am confident no such step will ever be taken without some previous notice given to all interested. As to the department I have the honor to superintend, I have no reason to think any change or alteration will take place in it, that can in any manner affect the interests of the Indians.

" You wish to know our news. All we have that can be interesting to you is, that one of the most wonderful revolutions has happened in France that ever was known in so short a time. The people have been made, by the more enlightened part of the nation, to view their situation in its proper light, and to throw off the yoke of bondage, slavery, and oppression, under which they have for ages groaned, and have compelled their grand monarch to yield to a Constitution similar, in most respects, to the happy one under which we live. They have abolished all their monks and nunneries, and have made such changes as are wonderful to relate. With my best regards to Mrs. Brant, &c. and to all at the village, I remain, as ever,

" Your friend and faithful servant,
" JOHN JOHNSON."*
* Respecting the rumor which elicited this letter, there is no farther information. Indeed, the letter of Sir John itself has been inserted in the text, more for the pur-

Relieved, temporarily at least, from the cares and labors of diplomacy among the nations of the more distant lakes, Brant was enabled, early in the year 1789, to direct his attention more closely to other matters of business; not forgetting the pursuits of literature, so far as under the disadvantages of his situation he was enabled to attend to its cultivation. He was ever anxious for the moral and intellectual improvement of his people; and as a primary means of such improvement, he now earnestly sought for the settlement of a resident clergyman among them. Visiting Montreal for that purpose, he wrote to Sir John Johnson, who was absent (probably at Quebec) at the time, and through him appealed to Lord Dorchester to procure the removal of the Rev. Mr. Stuart from Kingston to the neighborhood of Grand River. Many of the Indians, he said, wished to be near a church where there should be a proper minister; and nowhere, as he thought, could one be found who would suit their dispositions so well, and exert such a desirable influence over the morals of the young people, as Mr. Stuart, who had been a missionary among them in the Valley of the Mohawk. "This good thing," he said in his letter to Sir John, " I know must be done by his Lordship, and through your kind interposition : which, be assured, I would not mention, if I was not very well convinced of the good that would arise from it."+ He wrote other pressing letters to the same purport; but the transfer of Mr. Stuart was not effected.

He is believed at about the same time to have resumed the labor of translating devotional books into the Mohawk language. In addition to the work published in England in 1786, as already mentioned, he translated the entire liturgy, and also a primer ; a copy of each of which works was presented to Harvard University. The donation was acknowledged by a vote of thanks, which was enclosed in the following letter from the President of that institution :-
PRESIDENT WILLARD TO CAPTAIN BRANT,
" Cambridge, July 20th, 1789.
SIR,
" I have the pleasure of enclosing you a vote of thanks of the
pose of disclosing the liberal spirit in which the Baronet hailed the beginning of the French Revolution, (as all the civilized world did at first,) as the dawn of liberty in France, than for any other purpose, + MS. letters among the Brant papers.

Corporation of the University in this place, for your present of books to the library, which were received but a little while before the date of the vote.* To the vote of thanks from the whole corporate body for this acceptable present, give me leave, Sir, as head of the University, to add my thanks in particular. "I am pleased to hear, from the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, that you we writing a history of the natives of this country. I hope when you have finished it in your own language, you will give us a translation in English, as I doubt not we shall have many curious and important things contained in it, respecting the various Indian nations, that we are now unacquainted with. " Mr. Kirkland is so obliging as to take charge of this letter, and I doubt not will convey it to you as soon as possible.

" I am, Sir,
" With sentiments of great esteem,
" Your very humble servant,
" JOSEPH WILLARD.
" Colonel Joseph Brant."

The historical work mentioned in the preceding letter, it is believed, was never commenced, although it had been projected, or rather, Captain Brant had designed writing a history of the Six Nations. But he had, probably, too many demands upon his time, and cares upon his mind, to allow of the execution of his plan. The work of translating the New Testament was continued by Captain Brant's friend and fellow-chief, John Norton, alias Teyoninhokaraven, which was his Indian name. This chief translated the Gospel of John, which was printed by the British and Foreign Bible Society; and he intended to proceed with the Gospels of Matthew and Luke, but probably the work was not completed.+

But, aside from the cultivation of letters, Captain Brant had
* See Appendix, No. VI.
+ Norton's name will appear frequently hereafter. He was half-breed, his father being an Indian, and his mother a Scotch woman. He received a classical education at an English school. Next to Thayendanagea, Teyoninhokaraven was the most distinguished of the modern Mohawks. His observations were said to be acute, and his language in conversation strong and elegant. He was well versed in ancient and modern history, and particularly well informed in geography. On every subject connected with his own country and people his knowledge was minute. In his person he was tall and muscular, with & large and expressive eye.

ample employment, for both mind and body, in regulating his domestic Indian relations. The planting of his own nation upon their new territory at Grand River, and the exertions necessary to bring them into order, and persuade them to substitute the pursuits of husbandry for the chase, were labors of no small moment. The grant of land on the. Grand River was doubtless intended solely for the Mohawks, who had been dispossessed of their own native valley; but other Indians of the Six Nations intruded upon them, even some of those who had borne arms against the crown and the Mohawks. Jealousies and heart- burnings were the consequence, which occasionally called for the interposition of the chief, sometimes to the injury of his popularity, as has already appeared.

Nor was his attention alone required to regulate the affairs of the Indians on the British side of the line. Difficulties sprang up as early as 1789 among the Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayngas, and Senecas, in consequence of the intrusion of the whites upon their lands, and the unlawful purchases effected by some of them, from Indians not authorized to sell. All the weight of these troubles seemed to fall upon the shoulders of Captain Brant, between whom and Governor George Clinton an active correspondence took place upon the subject, in 1789 and the following year. The Governor made every possible effort to cause justice to be done to the Indians; for which purpose, several councils were held at Fort Stanwix, and at least one special interview was held between the Governor and the chief in relation to it. The result was an amicable arrangement. In his letters, Governor Clinton treated the Indian chieftain not only with marked respect, but with evident personal kindness and regard. The following letter will serve as a specimen of this correspondence on the part of that distinguished man :-

GOVERNOR CLINTON TO CAPTAIN BRANT.
" New- York, 1st September, 1790.
"SIR,

"I was favored with your letter of the 21st of July yesterday, and am happy to hear of your health and safe arrival at your place of residence.

" A rumor of a Spanish war also prevails among us. It is certain, that both that and the British nation are equipping powerful naval armaments; the ostensible object of which is the settlement of a dispute which has taken place between them, with respect to their possessions on the north-west part of this Continent, and the right of fishery in that quarter. It is, however, probable that all this political bustle may terminate in negotiation, by one conceding and the other accepting of what neither have any well-founded pretensions to, farther than mere discovery and the displaying of a national flag by the permission of the hospitable and unsuspecting natives.

" The gentlemen who are appointed commissioners of Indian affairs, and whom you saw with me at Fort Stanwix, chiefly reside in the country, and are now so dispersed that it is not practicable to confer with them. I perfectly recollect the conversation which passed between you and me relative to the land you was to have had from Doctor Benton, and I communicated the import of it at the time, to the commissioners; and you will remember I afterward informed you that, however strong their dispositions were to serve you, yet they could not consent to any thing that would give the least sanction or countenance to any part of Benton's transactions, as they considered them not only contrary to law, but committed by him in open defiance of the authority of the State. They expressed, at the same time, sentiments of the warmest friendship for you; and I considered the present which they directed me to make you, as the only way they had in their power to evince the sincerity of their professions.

" I shall be happy to see you here next Summer, and will endeavor to make your visit agreeable to you. Colonel Varick and your brother, the sachem, are the only two of the gentlemen who were at Fort Stanwix, now in town. They request you to accept of their best respects. I will not fail to communicate your expectations to Mr. L'Hommedieu, that he may stand prepared to discharge the tribute.
" l am
" Your most obed't servant,
" GEO. CLINTON.
" Captain Joseph Brant"
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