American Border Wars by W. L. Stone

Three Rivers
Hudson~Mohawk~Schoharie
History From America's Most Famous Valleys
Life of Joseph Brant-Thayendanegea

Including the Indian Wars of the American Revolution

by William L. Stone. Volume II

Buffalo: Phinney & Co., 1851.

Chapter X.

Continued troubles with the Indians-English emissaries in Kentucky-Mission of Antoine Gamelin-Preparations for war-Campaign of General Harmar- Successive defeats of Colonel Hardin-Conduct of the militia-Retreat of Harmar-Indian deputation to Lord Dorchester-Letter of Sir John Johnson-Colonel Gordon-Letter of Brant to Colonel M'Kee-Pacific views of Lord Dorchester-Renewed efforts of the United States to bring the Indians to peace-Interposition of Corn-planter-Mission of Corn-planter and Colonel Proctor-British officers wish a mediation-Letter of Colonel Gordon-Colonel Pickering holds an Indian Council at the Chemung-Red Jacket's course-Brant interferes-Indian Councils at Buffalo-Influence of Colonel John Butler and Brant-Mission of Colonel Proctor and Corn-planter frustrated-Important position of Brant-Correspondence between the Secretary of War and Governor Clinton-Colonel Pickering's Council with the Indians at Painted Post-Mission of Hendrick, the Stockbridge chief-Renewal of hostilities-Campaign of General St. Clair-His defeat -Thayendanegea among the Indian captains-The panic that followed-Clamor against St. Clair-His resignation-Wayne appointed his successor-Refusal of Colonel Willett to embark in an Indian war.

NOTWITHSTANDING the treaties of peace concluded by General St. Clair with all the Six Nations, the Mohawks excepted, and with several of the great north-western tribes, the tranquility of the frontier settlements, now extending four hundred miles along the Ohio, had not been secured. The Shawanese, Miamis, and Wabash Indians* still kept up a bloody war, ravaging the settlements of Kentucky, and the territory now known as Ohio, and causing serious apprehensions in the frontier settlements of Virginia. The President had made every possible effort to conciliate the Indians by just and pacific overtures, but in vain.+ Even the Indians with whom one of the treaties had
* Such were the statements of the accounts of that day. In the early part of the present year, however, Captain M'Kee, the active (British) Indian Agent at Detroit, wrote to Captain Brant-"The Indians of the Miamis, I understand, have been " more quiet than usual this year, few hostilities having been committed, and those " by that nation alone." In the same letter Captain M'Kee stated that a quarrel had arisen between the Miamis and Delawares respecting the lands occupied by the latter, who were so much offended as to be preparing to retire across to the Spanish side of the Mississippi. The Captain added :-"Their withdrawing themselves at " this time will be extremely detrimental, not only to the Indian confederacy, but to " the country in general, as it will draw a number of others after them who do not " consider the consequences." M'Kee invoked Captain Brant to send the disaffected Delawares a speech, to prevent their separation. But if this request was complied with, it failed of the desired effect. The Indians in question carried their design of removal into execution. +" The basis of our proceedings with the Indian nations has been, and shall be, justice, during the period in which I have any thing to do with the administration of

been formed, could not all of them be restrained from the warpath. There was, moreover, another angry cloud lowering in the western sky. The governments of the United States and Spain were at issue on the question of the navigation of the Mississippi, respecting which strong solicitude was felt by the people of the west-especially of Kentucky. Not satisfied with fomenting discontents among the Indians at the north, the English government, availing itself of the Spanish question, and hoping, should the mouth of the Mississippi be ultimately closed against the commerce of the United States, that disaffection might ensue in the west, was believed to have despatched secret agents into Kentucky, with propositions to test the fidelity of the people to the Union. Among these emissaries was Lieutenant Colonel Connolly, of Detroit, a loyalist formerly of Fort Pitt, who had espoused the cause of the crown in the Revolution. He held several confidential conferences with some of the most influential citizens of Kentucky, and attempted to seduce them into a project for making a descent upon New Orleans, seizing the city, and securing the navigation of the Mississippi by force, as a necessary consequence. Information of these secret proceedings was transmitted to the President, who, looking upon the intrigue as an attempt to divide the Union, was prompt in concerting measures to detect any farther machinations of the kind.* What progress was made in sowing the seeds of disaffection, or whether any, does not appear.

In the Spring of 1790, Antoine Gamelin, an experienced Indian merchant, was despatched to visit all the principal tribes of
this government."-Letter of President Washington to the Marquis de Lafayete, Aug. 1790.
* Sparks's Life and Correspondence of Washington, vol. ix. pages 473, '76. Letter of President Washington to Mr. Innes, and Notes. These attempts upon the fidelity of Kentucky were made in 178S and 1789. In the following year, in the prospect of a war between Great Britain and Spain, apprehensions of trouble between the United States and the former arose from the same quarters, but upon a very different question. From certain circumstances which came to the knowledge of the President, it was believed that Lord Dorchester, in the event of a war with Spain, had it in contemplation to send an expedition from Detroit for the invasion of Louisiana. This could not be done without marching an army across the whole breadth of the territory of the United States. On the 25th of August, President Washington communicated his apprehensions to the members of his cabinet, the Vice-President, and the Chief Justice, (Jay,) requiring their opinions in writing upon the course proper to be pursued, by the Government of the United States in such an emergency.

the west, as a messenger of peace, with a view of ascertaining the general temper of the Indians. Among the tribes who had entered into the treaty, he found the old chiefs and warriors generally well disposed, and by no means hostile. But with these exceptions, the war feeling was almost universal. Of the spirit that prevailed, an idea may be formed from the following notes of Gamelin, of his interview with the Ouiatanons and Kickapoos:-" After my speech, one of the head chiefs got up and " told me: You, Gamelin, my friend and son-in-law, we are pleased to see in our village, and to hear by your mouth the good words of the Great Chief. We thought to receive a few words from the French people, [traders,) but I see the contrary: None but the Big Knife is sending speeches to us. You know that we can terminate nothing without the consent of our elder brethren, the Miamis. I invite you to proceed to their village, and to speak to them. There is one thing in your speech I do not like. I will not tell of it. Even was I drunk, I would not perceive it; but our elder brethren will certainly take notice of it in your speech. You invite us to stop our young men. It is impossible to do it, being constantly encouraged by the British.'" Another chief said: " The Americans are very flattering in their speeches : many times our nation went to their rendezvous. I was once there myself. Some of our chiefs died on the route, and we always came back all naked; and you; Gamelin, you came with a speech, but with empty hands." Another chief said: "Know ye that the village of Ouiatanon is the sepulchre of our ancestors. The chief of " America invites us to go to him, if we are for peace ; he has " not his leg broke; being able to go as far as the Illinois. He " might come here himself, and we should be glad to see him " in our village. We confess that we accepted the axe, but it was by the reproach that we continually receive from the English and other nations, which received the axe first, calling us women : at the same time they invite our young men to war. As to the old people, they are wishing for peace."*

All the endeavors of the President to give security to the parties by peaceful arrangements having proved unavailing, vigorous offensive measures were determined upon, and an expedi-
* Gamelin's Journal, Am. State Papers, Vol. IV. p. 93.

tion against the hostile tribes was entrusted to General Harmar, a veteran of the revolution. His force consisted of fourteen hundred and fifty men, three hundred and twenty of whom were regular troops, and the residue levies of the Pennsylvania and Kentucky militia. The object was to bring the Indians to an engagement, if possible ; if not, in any event to destroy their settlements on the waters of the Scioto and Wabash.* The expedition left Fort Washington on the 30th of September, 1790, The Indians at first abandoned their principal town, after applying the torch to it, but rallied subsequently upon a detachment of two hundred and ten men, commanded by Colonel Harden, thirty of whom were regulars, and gave battle. At the first fire Harden's militia all ran away. The regulars maintained their ground for a time, and fought bravely until but seven of their number were able to escape. On the next day Col. Harden, at the head of three hundred and sixty men, sixty of whom were regulars, undertook to retrieve their disgrace. They were met by the Indians, and a bloody conflict ensued near the junction of the St. Joseph and St. Mary rivers. The militia, for a miracle, fought bravely on this occasion. Overpowered by numbers; however, they were defeated,with the loss of several gallant officers, and one hundred and eighty-three men-seventy-five of whom were regulars. Among the former were Majors Fontaine and Wyllys, and Lieutenant Frothingham. Ten militia officers were also among the slain. The Indians lost about one hundred and twenty warriors. The battle was severely fought, and ended in the flight of the Americans. General Harmar thereupon returned to Fort Washington and claimed the victory-- with what propriety has never been ascertained.+
* Holmes-Marshall.
+ A letter to Captain Brant, written from Detroit, gave a still more disastrous account of this affair than was admitted by the American authorities. The followingis an extract:-
" I have to inform you that there have been two engagements about
" the Miami towns, between the Americans and the Indians, in which, it is said, the
" former had about five hundred men killed, and that the rest have retreated. The
" loss was only fifteen or twenty on the side of the Indians. The Shawanese, Mia-
" mis, and Pottawattamies were, I understand, the principal tribes who were engag-
" ed ; but I do not learn that any of the nations have refused their alliance or as-
" sistance, and it is confidently reported that they are now marching against the
" frontiers on the Ohio. As Mr. McKee writes to the chiefs at the Grand River, he
" will be able to state circumstances more particularly than I can. The gentlemen of
" the garrison beg their compliments."-MS. Letter of John Smith to Captain Brant.

Flushed and emboldened by their success, the depredations of the Indians became more frequent, and the condition of the frontier was more deplorable than it had been previous to this ill-fated expedition.* Nor were their aggressions confined to the settlements along the Ohio and the Kentucky border. Two of the Seneca Indians having been murdered by the whites, that nation, with others among the warriors of the Six Nations, were becoming more hostile ; and the consequence was, that early in the Spring of 1791, the Pennsylvania settlements along the Alleghany river, above Pittsburgh, experienced repeated and fearful visitations of Indian retribution. Several stations of the settlers were entirely broken up. The murders of women and children were frequent, and were often attended with circumtances of undiminished inhumanity, while many people were carried into captivity.+

News of the disastrous victory of General Harmar having reached the seat of government, a regiment was added to the permanent military establishment, and the President was authorised to raise a body of two thousand men for six months, to appoint a major and a brigadier general to continue in command so long as he should think their services necessary.++No time was lost in calling this augmented force into the field, and Major General Arthur St. Clair, Governor of the territory north west of the Ohio, was appointed Commander-in-chief, and charged with the conduct of the meditated expedition ; the immediate objects of which were to destroy the Indian villages on the Miamis, to expel the Indians from that country, and to connect it with the Ohio by a chain of posts which would prevent their return during the war. §

It appears that on the repulse of Harmar, the confederated nations of the Chippewas, Pottawattamies, Hurons, Shawanese, Delawares, Ottawas, Tustans, and Six Nations-after a consultation at the foot of the Miami Rapids with Capt. McKee,-deputed a representation of chiefs and warriors to visit Lord Dorchester
* " It appears, from the most indubitable testimony, that from 1783, when peace was made, to October, 1790, when the United States commenced offensive operations against them, on the Ohio and the frontiers, the Indians killed and wounded, and took prisoners, about fifteen hundred men, women, and children ; besides taking away two thousand horses and a large quantity of other property."-Narrative and Sufferings of Massy Harbison. + Idem.
++ Marshall's life of Washington. § Holmes's Annals.

at Quebec, for the purpose of consultation, and also to ascertain whether any, and if any, what, assistance might be expected from the British or provincial government. Lord Dorchester's views were doubtless at that time pacific, as also were those of Captain Brant-provided always that the United States would establish the Ohio as the boundary, and relinquish all- claims of jurisdiction beyond that river. On the 22d of February, 1791, Sir John Johnson addressed a letter to Captain Brant, from Montreal, enclosing a copy of a letter from Lord Dorchester to himself, and another copy of the same to Captain McKee, the purport of which can only be inferred from the letter of the Baronet. It is accordingly inserted:-

SIR JOHN JOHNSON TO CAPTAIN BRANT. (Private.)
" Montreal,22d Feb'y, 1791.
" DEAR JOSEPH,

" As I think the Six Nations much interested in the business proposed by the inclosed copy of a letter from Lord Dorchester, (another copy of which I transmit to Mr. McKee,) I could not think of withholding it from you, that you may take such steps, in concert with Mr. McKee and the western nations, as you may Judge most conducive to their interest and honor. As you certainly are all free and independent, I think you will have a right to insist upon disposing of whatever lands you judge fit to reserve for the General Confederacy, in whatever manner, and to whomsoever you please. The idea of the States claiming a jurisdiction up to the line of separation settled between Great Britain and them, must arise from a supposition that the Indians, at some time or other, allowed that power to our Provinces for the better government of their subjects. Whether or not that is the case, I know not, nor can I at present find out; but certain I am that without such a cession of power on the part of the Indians, no just right or claim to such a power can be supported beyond the line of 1768, and to the western line of the land ceded or sold by the Indians to the States since the war. This is certainly a nice point, and may not be proper to insist upon too positively ; but in justice I believe it is as I have stated. When the Indians allowed the English and French to build forts for the protection and support of their subjects and trade, they no doubt had a right to a certain jurisdiction or command round those places, but I never believe it extended farther, or that the Indians meant it should. Upon the whole, you understand your own rights better than I do. I shall therefore say no more than to recommend coolness and a manly firmness in whatever you may determine on. As I mean this letter as entirely private, I shall acquaint you that I believe this measure has been thought of by Lord Dorchester, in consequence of my writing to him on receiving the account of the expedition carried on last Fall by the Americans against the Miamis, at which time I took the liberty of saying that the Americans had no claim to any part of the country beyond the line established in 1768, at Fort Stanwix, between the Indians and the Governors and agents of all the Provinces interested, and including the sales made since the war ; and that I therefore thought, as we could not afford them assistance in arms, we should at least at ford them our mediation to bring about a peace between them and the States, on terms just and honorable, or something to that purpose. You may converse with, or write freely to Mr. McKee upon the subjects of this letter, but let it be as from yourself-perhaps I may say something similar to him if time will permit. I have wrote Lord Dorchester that an answer might be had to his inquiries by some time the beginning of May, but I fear not; a great deal will depend on you, however, in forwarding the packet to Mr. McKee, which let me intreat you to lose no time in doing. My best wishes attend you all, and believe me as ever sincerely yours,

" JOHN JOHNSON.
" Captain Brant."

Colonel Gordon, commanding the British post at Niagara, was also at that time and afterward, a friend of peace. On the 4th of March he addressed a letter to Captain Brant, from which the following is an extract:-" I hope you will embrace the present opportunity of the meeting of the chiefs of the Five Nations in your neighborhood, to use your endeavors to heal the wounds between the Indians and Americans. I dare say the States wish to make peace on terms which will secure to the Indians their present possessions in the Miami country, provided the young men are restrained from committing depredations in future." The temper of the chief himself, at this
VOL. II. 20

period, can best be determined by the following extracts from a letter addressed by himself to Captain M'Kee, three days after the letter from Colonel Gordon was written, and probably immediately on its receipt:-
CAPTAIN BRANT TO CAPTAIN M'KEE. (EXTRACTS.)
Grand River, March 7, 1791.
" I have received two letters from the States, from gentlemen who have been lately in Philadelphia; by which it appears the Americans secretly wish to accommodate the matter-which I should by all means advise, if it could be effected upon honorable and liberal terms, and a peace become general."

" I am happy to see in Sir John's last letter to me, that he has suggested to his Lordship the necessity of their interference in bringing about a peace between the Indians and the United States; by which it appears he has an idea of recommending the line settled in 1768 [qu ? 1765] between the Indians and government, as the northern and western boundary of the States in that quarter. I expect, to hear more from him in the Spring on that subject, as I have pressed him hard to give me his sentiments on the utility of my interference in the present dispute."

Lord Dorchester's speech in reply to the deputation already mentioned, was of a similar tenor to the preceding letter of Sir John Johnson. His Lordship informed them that he should be glad to be instrumental in restoring peace. He informed them that the line marked out in the treaty of peace with the United States, implied no more than that beyond that line the King their father would not extend his interference; and that the King had only retained possession of the posts until such time as all the differences between him and the United States should be settled. In regard to the questions of the deputation, whether it was true that, in making peace with the States, the King had given away their lands, his Lordship assured them that such was not the fact, inasmuch as the King never had any right to their lands, other than to such as had been fairly ceded by themselves, with their own free consent, by public convention and sale. On this point, his Lordship likewise referred to the treaty with Sir William Johnson, at Fort Stanwix, in 1766. In conclusion, he assured the deputation, that although the Indians had their friendship and good-will; the Provincial Government had no power to embark in a war with the United States, and could only defend themselves if attacked. He also informed them that the command of the province was about to devolve upon General Clarke; and that Prince Edward,* who had just arrived with a chosen band of warriors, would be the second in command. His Lordship himself was on the eve of embarking for England, where it would afford him great pleasure to hear that peace had been established between the Indians and United States upon a just and solid foundation.+

This speech afforded but small encouragement to the Indians, and most likely but ill corresponded with the expectations that had been raised by M'Kee, and other subordinate officers in the British Indian Department at the remote posts-of whom several, like M'Kee, were refugee Americans, indulging bitter hatred toward the country which they had deserted in the hour of its peril. Indeed, there is no reason to distrust the manly and honorable conduct of Lord Dorchester during the greater part of this singular border contest, the progress of which was marked by so many vicissitudes of feeling and action on the part of many of the Provincial authorities. And besides, the attitude of the two nations was at that moment less seemingly belligerent than it shortly afterward became.

During these side negotiations in Canada, and while the preparations for another campaign by the American government, as already mentioned, were in progress, no relaxations of efforts to prevent the farther effusion of blood were allowed to take place. Captain O'Bail, or the Corn-planter as he was usually called, the principal chief of the Senecas; being in Philadelphia in the month of December, after the defeat of General Harmar, was induced not only to use his influence to prevent the warriors of the Six Nations from taking a part in the contest, but also to undertake a mission with other friendly Indians to the country of the Miamis, to persuade them to peace, also, if possible. In March following, the Corn-planter, with whom Colonel Proctor, an active officer in the (American) Indian Department had been
*The late Duke of Kent, father of the present young Queen of England.
+ Journal of Major General Lincoln, which will be more particularly referred to hereafter.

associated, set out upon the mission. Meantime, measures were adopted to draw the Indians of the Six Nations to a general conference at a distance from the theatre of war, in order, not only to prevent their joining the war, but, if necessary, to obtain some of their young warriors for the service against the Miamis and the other hostile tribes. This attempt to create a diversion of the Six Nations; however, was looked upon with displeasure by the Provincial authorities in Canada, as will be seen by the annexed letter from Colonel Gordon to Captain Brant. It also appears from this letter, that these Provincials were ambitious of being appealed to by the government of the United States as mediators in the controversy. Nor was this an individual conceit of Colonel Gordon, inasmuch as Sir John Johnson had hinted the same thing, as was evident from his letter, after consultation with Lord Dorchester. It will farther appear by the address of the letter, that the ever-vigilant Brant was already once more in the country of the Miamis, although but a very few days previous he had been assisting at a private council at Buffalo. His movements in all these matters, as in the war of the Revolution, seem to have been as rapid as the light.

COLONEL GORDON TO CAPTAIN BRANT.
" Niagara, June 11th, 1791.
"DEAR SIR,

" I was glad to find by your letter, from the foot of the Rapids, to Colonel Butler, that you was in good health ; and I very sincerely hope the business you are engaged in, will be attended with success.

" From the inconsistent proceedings of the Americans, I am perfectly at a loss to understand their full intentions. Whilst they are assembling councils at different quarters with the avowed purpose of bringing about a peace, the Six Nations have received a speech from General St. Clair, dated at Pittsburgh, 23d April, inviting them to take up the hatchet against their brothers the western nations.

" Can any thing be more inconsistent ? or can they possibly believe the Indians are to be duped by such shallow artifices. This is far from being the case; the Indians at Buffalo Creek saw the business in its proper light, and treated the invitation with the contempt it deserved. It must strike you very forcibly, that in all the proceedings of the different Commissioners from the American States, they have cautiously avoided applying for our interference, as a measure they affect to think perfectly unnecessary ; wishing to impress the Indians with ideas of their own consequence, and of the little influence, they would willingly believe, we are possessed of. This, my good friend, is not the way to proceed. Had they, before matters were pushed to extremity, requested the assistance of the British Government to bring about a peace on equitable terms, I am convinced the measure would have been fully accomplished long before this time.

" I would, however, willingly hope they will yet see the propriety of adopting this mode of proceeding; and that peace, an object so much to be desired, will at length be permanently settled.

" I am the more sanguine in the attainment of my wishes, by your being on the spot, and that you will call forth the exertion of your influence and abilities on the occasion. Let me hear from time to time how matters are going forward, and with my wishes for your health, believe me

" Your friend,
" A. GORDON.
" Captain Brant."

The Council of the Six Nations, always excepting the Mohawks, was successfully held by Colonel Timothy Pickering, in the Chemung country, in the month of June. But the Cornplanter and Colonel Proctor met with insurmountable difficulties in the prosecution of their mission. The special object of that mission, after traversing the country of the Six Nations, and exerting such wholesome influence upon them as might be in their power, was to charter a vessel at Buffalo Creek, and proceed to Sandusky, and if possible induce the Miamis to meet General St. Clair in council on the Ohio. They were every where well received on the route from Alleghany to Buffalo Creek, at which place a grand Council was called in honor of their arrival, and attended by Red Jacket and other chiefs. After having been welcomed by a speech from Red Jacket, Colonel Proctor opened to them the message from General Washington, the great chief of the Thirteen Fires. Red Jacket replied, that many persons had previously at different times been among them, professing to come by the authority of the Thirteen Fires, but of the truth of which declarations they were not always convinced. In the course of the conversation, it was ascertained that at a private council held at that place one week before, at which Captain Brant and Colonel Butler, of the British Indian department, were present, these officers had uttered the same doubts now started by Red Jacket. Brant had advised the Indians to pay no attention to Proctor and O'Bail, of whose approach and purpose he was aware, and to render them no assistance ill their projected visit to Sandusky, assuring them it should do no good ; but that Colonel Proctor, and all who would accompany him to the country of the Miamis, would be put to death. They also ascertained, that while holding the said private council, in anticipation of their visit. Captain Brant had received secret instructions from " head-quarters,"* to repair to Grand River, and from thence to Detroit. It was believed by a French trader who gave the information, and also by Captain Powell of the British service, who confirmed it, that the Mohawk chief had been sent to the Indians hostile to the United States with instructions of some kind; and the Indians at Buffalo Creek had been charged by Brant to conclude upon nothing with Proctor and O'Bail before his return.

Colonel Proctor and O'Bail continued at Buffalo from the 27th of April to the 22d or 23d of May. The Indians collected in large numbers, and many councils were held. On the 8th of May, the Fish-carrier, one of the principal Cayuga chiefs, and the right hand man of Captain Brant, declared in a speech that, O'Bail had taken a course that was not approved by them-that more than one half of the Indians there, were not for peace,+ and that Captain Brant had been sent to the council-fire of the Miamis. " We must, therefore," he added, " see his face, for " we can't determine until we know what they are about. So " we beg you to grant our request, to keep your mind easy ; for " we, who do this business, look on you, and hold ourselves to
* The words used in Col. Proctor's narrative; but whether he meant the British or Indian head-quarters, the author cannot say. Probably the former.
+ Proctor's Journal.

be slaves in making of peace. Now; we all say you must look for Captain Brant's coming, to hear the words that come from his mouth, for then we can say to you, what towns will be for peace: and this is all that we have to say to you for this time."*

An effort was made by Red Jacket to induce Proctor and O'Bail to go down to the British fortress at Niagara to hold a consultation with Colonel Butler ; but Colonel Proctor declined the adoption of any such course. The Indians thereupon despatched a messenger for Colonel Butler to meet them at Buffalo Creek, which he accordingly did-but previously called a separate council at Fort Erie. He afterward had an interview with Proctor, and endeavored to dissuade him from visiting the country of the hostile Indians,-proposing that the negotiations for a peace should be left to Captain Brant and McKee, who, Colonel Butler thought, could best manage the business. Of course a proposition going to clothe British subjects with power to negotiate for the government of the United States, was promptly rejected.

One of the leading objects of Colonel Proctor in meeting the Six Nations at Buffalo, was to induce as many of their sachems and warriors as he could, to accompany the Corn-planter and himself to the Miamis country, to aid, by their influence, in bringing the hostile Indians into a more pacific temper; but from the whole cast of the deliberations, it was perfectly evident that the majority of the leading chiefs were under the direct influence of the British officers, who, it was obvious, had now suddenly become less pacific than they had very recently been. Colonel Proctor met with but little success in persuading a portion of the warriors to accompany him to the Miamis; and on applying to Colonel Gordon, commanding at Niagara, for permission to charter a British schooner on Lake Erie, to transport himself and such Indians as might feel disposed to accompany himself and Corn-planter to Sandusky, the request was peremptorily refused. The expedition was thus abruptly terminated, and Colonel Proctor returned to Fort Washington.

Before leaving Buffalo, however, according to an entry in his journal, Colonel Proctor seems to have been apprised of the fact,
* American State papers-Indian Department.

which will subsequently appear, that Captain Brant had not gone to the Miamis as a messenger, or an observer merely, but that he had actually gone to join them with his warriors:- " May 21st. Being in private conversation this evening with Captain O'Bail, and sitting between him and the New Arrow sachem, I hinted to Captain O'Bail that if he would go and join General St. Clair with thirty-five or forty of his warriors, as well equipped as he could make them, purely to counterbalance the force that Brant had taken with him to the unfriendly Indians, I would use endeavors with the Secretary of War to procure him a commission that should yield to him and his people a handsome stipend. He replied, that the Senecas had received a stroke from the bad Indians, by taking two prisoners, a woman and a boy, from Conyatt; and that, should the hatchet be struck into the head of any of his people hereafter, he would then inform me what he would undertake to do."

The natural import of this entry in Proctor's journal is, that Captain Brant had at that time actually joined the Miamis in hostile array against the United States. It is possible, however, that such was not at that time the fact; and it is certain that General Knox, the Secretary of War, after the return of Colonel Proctor to Philadelphia, did not so construe it. In writing to Colonel Pickering respecting the council which he was then preparing to hold at the Painted Post on the 13th of June, the Secretary speaks of Brant's journey to the western Indians as having probably been undertaken for pacific purposes, under the direction of the British officers, who were using him with a view to a peace, of which they intended to claim the merit at some future time. And this construction would comport with the idea of a British intervention, as heretofore suggested by Colonel Gordon and Sir John Johnson.

But it is, nevertheless, a curious fact, which speaks largely of the talents and address of Brant, and the high importance which was attached to his influence; that if the British authorities were then thus using his services, the American government was at the same time seeking his assistance for the same object. Colonel Pickering was instructed to treat him with " great kindness " if he could be persuaded to attend the council at the Painted Post; and on the 12th of April, the Secretary of War addressed a Letter to Governor Clinton, from which the following is an extract:

" Aware of your Excellency's influence over Captain Joseph Brant, I have conceived the idea that you might induce him, by proper arrangements, to undertake to conciliate the western Indians to pacific measures, and bring them to hold a general treaty. This measure would be abundantly more compatible with the feelings and interest of the United States than to extirpate the Indians, which seems to be the inevitable consequence of a war of long continuance with them. You are entirely able to estimate Brant's talents, and the degree of confidence that might be placed in him on such an occasion. Perhaps Colonel Willett, of whose talents in managing the minds of men I have a high opinion, might accept of an agency on this occasion, as it might respect Brant. If your Excellency should entertain the opinion strongly that Brant might be employed with good effect, I earnestly request that you would take the necessary measures for the purpose, according to your own judgment."

Other topics were embraced in the Secretary's letter, to all of which Governor Clinton replied on the 27th of April. The following extract relates to the subject of this biography:-

" I have communicated to Colonel Willett your confidence in his talents and desire for the interposition of his influence with Brant, but have it not in my power to inform you of his explicit answer." * * * "I had, in June last, appointed an interview with Brant, contemplating the danger you appear to apprehend from his address and his influence with several of the Indian nations, which, I am persuaded, is very considerable, and from different letters I have since received from him, I have reason to hope he will give me the opportunity of a personal conference with him at this place, (New York,) the beginning of the ensuing summer, if the proposed convention, to which I will not venture to say he may not be opposed, should not prevent it. But the good understanding between us, and the friendly and familiar intercourse I have successfully endeavored to preserve, will; I doubt not, predominate over any transient disgust that the measures of the Union may have heretofore excited in his mind, and enable me to procure an interview with him at any time and place not particularly inconvenient. To accomplish this, however, with certainty, it may require the personal application of some one expressly " delegated, and in whom he will confide."

Captain Brant has been charged with great vanity, and with attaching undue importance to his position and influence. But how few are the men, Indians or whites, who would not have stood in danger of being somewhat inflated, on finding two such nations as Great Britain and the United States, apparently outbidding each other for his services and friendship ? Still, he was looked upon with no inconsiderable distrust by the American Secretary of War. In his letter of reply to Governor Clinton, dated May 11th, the Secretary, after speaking of the hostility of Brant to the Corn-planter, refers to the former design of the Mohawk chief to place himself at the head of the great Indian confederacy, so often spoken of, north-west of the Ohio, the Six Nations included; and cites a letter which lie had just received from the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, the Indian missionary, intimating that he had not yet abandoned that project. Indeed, Brant himself had then just written to Mr. Kirkland that he should yet like to compass that measure, should he find it practicable. The United States could not, of course, be favorable to the formation of any confederacy, by which the whole of the then vast body of Indians might be moved by a single impulse ; and with a view of diverting him from such a purpose, and of securing his friendship to the United States, Governor Clinton was requested, if possible, to effect the interview of which he had spoken, with Captain Brant. Authority was also given the Governor to enter into any pecuniary engagements which he should judge necessary, to make sure of his attachment to the United States.

It has already been observed that the council held with the Six Nations by Colonel Pickering, at the Painted Post, in June, had been to a great extent successful. Although the chiefs at Buffalo were for the most part under the influence of the British officers in Upper Canada, and of course not very friendly to the United States at that time, yet the warriors in general were more amicably disposed. The women, moreover, were anxious for peace, and addressed Colonel Proctor upon the subject. Before that officer left Buffalo, the Indians began to draw off to meet Colonel Pickering, and the council with him was well attended-serving, if no other good purpose, to divert the attention of the Indians, and by the distribution of presents to keep the young warriors from indulging their favorite propensity, by stealing away and joining the Miamis. Colonel Pickering had also induced Captain Hendrick Aupamut, the justly celebrated chief of the Muhheconnuck,* to undertake the mission to the Miamis, which Colonel Proctor and Corn-planter had been prevented from performing. Captain Brant, it was also reported to the War Department, about the 1st of August, had returned to Niagara from the Miami town; accompanied by some of the western chiefs. The Indians at Pickering's treaty had asserted that, after all that had transpired, Brant's designs were still pacific ; and since Lord Dorchester, as already stated, had expressed himself favorable to a pacification of the Indian tribes, and Sir John Johnson was about to assemble the Six Nations again at Buffalo, strong hopes were entertained by the American government, that the border difficulties would soon be adjusted without the necessity of another appeal to arms.

But, notwithstanding these favorable indications, the perparations for another offensive campaign were not relaxed. And it was well that they were not. The movements of Brant, beyond doubt the most influential warrior of his race, were yet mysterious, and his designs too cautiously veiled to be penetrated. The unlimited power with which the President had been clothed; the preceding year, to call mounted militia into the field, had been exercised by General Washington as far as was deemed necessary, and two expeditions had been conducted against the villages on the Wabash,-the first led by General Scott, in May, and the second by General Wilkinson. These desultory excursions, however, were unattended by any beneficial results. A few warriors had been killed, and a small number of old men, women, and children captured. But such results were not calculated to make any serious impression upon the savages, or to have any particular influence on the war. It was likewise well known that the Indians had received from the British posts large supplies of provisions and ammunition, immediately after the defeat of General Harmar the preceding Autumn. This fact, it is true, was disclaimed by Lord Dorchester, but it was nevertheless certain; and it was also certain that, in addition to the unfriendly influence of the British officers on the frontiers
" The Stockbridge Indians, who had removed from Massachusetts to the Onei-
da country in 1785.

the English and French traders, scattered among the Indian towns, were constantly inciting them to acts of hostility.

Under these circumstances, all the efforts of the United States to bring the hostile Indians to a friendly council having failed, the conquest of the Miami country and' the expulsion of the Indians became necessary. The most vigorous measures within the power of the Executive had failed in raising the troops and bringing them into the field until the month of September. On the 7th of that month General St. Clair moved from Fort Washington, north, toward the Miamis-establishing, on his way, two intermediate posts, at the distance of more than forty miles from each other, as places whence to draw supplies should the army be in need, or upon which to fall back in the event of disaster. At the farthest of these posts, called Fort Jefferson, reinforcements of militia, to the number of three hundred and sixty, were received-augmenting the army to about two thousand men. With this force St. Clair moved forward, but the necessity of opening a road through the forests rendered his progress slow. The Indians hung in small scattered parties upon the flanks, and by the skirmishing that took place, were somewhat annoying. Added to these vexations, the militia began to desert; and as the army approximated more nearly to the enemy's country, sixty of them went off in a body. It was likewise reported to be the determination of those " brave defenders of their country's soil" to fall upon the supplies in the rear; to prevent which act of moral treason, it was judged necessary to detach Major Hamtramck in pursuit.

After these reductions, the effective force of St. Clair that remained did not exceed fourteen hundred men-including both regulars and militia. Moving forward with these, the right wing commanded by General Butler and the left by Lieutenant Colonel Darke, both, like the Commander-in-chief, veterans of Revolutionary merit, on the 3d of November they had approached within about fifteen miles of the Miamis villages. The army encamped for the night on the margin of a creek, the militia crossing in advance, to encamp on the other side. Here a few Indians were discovered ; but these fleeing with precipitation, the army bivouacked for the night-the situation, and the dispositions both for defence and to guard against surprise being of the most judicious character.

This position had been selected with a view of throwing up a slight defence, and awaiting the return of Major Hamtramck with the first regiment. Both designs were anticipated and circumvented by the Indians. About half an hour before sunrise on the morning of the 4th, just after the soldiers were dismissed from parade, the militia, who were about a quarter of a mile in front, were briskly attacked by the Indians. Like most militiamen, their first impulse was to run-and that impulse was obeyed in the greatest terror and wildest confusion. Rushing through the main encampment, with the enemy close upon their heels, no small degree of confusion was created there also. The lines had been formed at the firing of the first gun; but the panic-stricken militia broke through, and thus opened the way for the enemy-an advantage which was not lost upon him. The officers endeavored to restore order in vain, although, for a time, the divisions of Butler and Darke, which had encamped about seventy yards apart, were kept in position. But the Indians charged upon them with great intrepidity-bearing down upon the centre of both divisions in great numbers. The artillery of the Americans was of little or no service, as the Indians fought in their usual mode, lying upon the ground and firing from-behind the trees-springing from tree to tree with incredible swiftness, and rarely presenting an available mark to the eye even of the rifleman. Having, in the impetuosity of their pursuit of the fugitive militia, gained the rear of St. Clair, they poured a destructive fire upon the artillerists from every direction-mowing them down by scores, and with a daring seldom practised by the Indians, leaping forward, and completing the work of death at the very guns. General St. Clair was himself sick, having been severely indisposed for several weeks. He assumed his post, however, and though extremely feeble, delivered his orders in the trying emergency with judgment and self-possession. But he was laboring under the disadvantage of commanding militia upon whom there was no reliance, and having few, if any, but raw recruits among his regulars. These too, had been hastily enlisted, and but little time for drill or discipline had been allowed. Hence, though brave, and commanded by officers of the highest qualities, they fought at great disadvantage. General Butler fell early in the action, mortally wounded, and was soon afterward killed outright, under circumstances of deep atrocity. Among the Indian warriors were considerable numbers of Canadians, refugees from the United States and half-breeds-young men born of Indian mothers in the remote Canadian settlements.* These motley allies of the savages Were even more savage than their principals. Among them was the noted and infamous Simon Girty, whose name has occurred in a former part of the present work. After the action, Girty, who knew General Butler, found him upon the field, writhing from the agony of his wounds. Butler spoke to him, and requested him to end his misery. The traitor refused to do this, but turning to one of the Indian warriors, told him the wounded man was a high officer; whereupon the savage planted his tomahawk in his head, and thus terminated his sufferings. His scalp was instantly torn from his crown, his heart taken out, and divided into as many pieces as there were tribes engaged in the battle.

The Indians had never fought with such fury before. The forest resounded with their yells, and they rushed upon the troops, under their favorite shelter of trees, until they had partially gained possession of the camp, artillery and all. Ascertaining that the fire of their troops produced no perceptible effect upon the Indians, recourse was had to the bayonet. Colonel Darke made an impetuous charge at the head of the left wing and drove the enemy back about four hundred yards, with some loss. But not having a sufficient number of riflemen to maintain his advantage, he gave over the pursuit-being instantly pursued in turn under a deadly fire. The same gallant officer was subsequently ordered to make a second charge, which he performed with equal bravery-clearing for the moment that portion of the camp to which his attention was directed. But the Americans were now completely surrounded; and while he was driving the Indians in one direction, clouds of them were seen to fall, " with a courage of men whose trade is
* " A great many young Canadians,and, in particular, many that were born of Indian women, fought on the side of the Indians in this action, a circumstance which confirmed the people of the States in the opinion they had previously formed, that the Indians were encouraged and abetted in their attacks upon them by the British. I can safely affirm, however, from having conversed with many of these young men who fought against St. Clair, that it was with the utmost secrecy they left their homes to join the Indians, fearful lest the government should censure their conduct."-Weld's Travels in Canada.

war," upon another point-keeping up a most destructive fire from every quarter. The use of the bayonet was always attended with temporary success, but each charge was also attended by severe loss, especially of officers ; nor in a single instance were the Americans able to retain the advantage thus severely gained. Finally, a large proportion of the best and bravest officers having fallen, nearly all that had been preserved of order disappeared. The men huddled together in groups, and were shot down without resistance. Having done all, under the circumstances, that a brave man could do, and finding that the day was lost past recovery, General St. Clair directed Colonel Darke, with the second regiment, to charge a body of Indians who had gained the road in the rear, and thus open a door of retreat. The order was promptly and successo fully executed, and a disorderly flight ensued. The victorious Indians followed up their advantage to the distance of only four miles, when, leaving the pursuit, they directed their attention to the plunder, and ceased fighting to revel in " the spoils of the vanquished." The fugitives continued their flight thirty miles, to Fort Jefferson. Here they met Major Hamtramck with the first regiment; but it was not deemed advisable to make a stand, and the remains of the army fell back to Fort Washington, as Harmar had done the year before. The retreat was indeed most disorderly and cowardly. " The camp and the artillery," says General St. Clair in his narrative of the campaign, "were abandoned; but that was unavoidable, for not a horse was left to draw it off, had it otherwise been practicable. But the most disgraceful part of the business is, that the greatest part of the men threw away their arms and accoutrements, even after the pursuit had ceased. I found the road strewed with them for many miles, but was not able to remedy it; for, having had all my horses killed, and being mounted upon one that could not be pricked out of a walk, I could not get forward myself, and the orders I sent forward, either to halt the front, or prevent the men parting with their arms, were unattended to."

This was one of the severest battles ever fought with the Indians-the latter being unaided by any other description of force excepting the wild half-breed Canadians already mentioned. The loss of the Americans, in proportion to the number engaged, was very severe. Thirty-eight commissioned officers were killed on the field, and four hundred and ninety-three non-commissioned officers and privates killed and missing. Twenty-one commissioned officers were wounded, several of whom mortally, and two hundred and forty-two non-commissioned officers and privates were also wounded. General Butler, who fell early in the action, was a brave man; and with many other excellent officers who fell, " had participated in all the toils, the dangers, and the glory, of that long conflict which terminated in the independence of their country." *

The loss of the Indians was about one hundred and fifty killed and a considerable number wounded. Their immediate booty-was all the camp equipage and baggage, six or eight field-pieces, and four hundred horses. As the contest was one for land, the Indians, in their mutilations of the dead; practised a bitter sarcasm upon the rapacity of the white men, by filling their mouths with the soil they had marched forth to conquer.+

General St. Clair imputed no blame to his officers. On the contrary, he awarded them the highest praise for their good conduct; and of those who were slain, he remarked,-" It is a circumstance that will alleviate the misfortune in some measure, that all of them fell most gallantly doing their duty." From the fact of his being attacked at all points as it were at the same moment, it was the General's opinion that he had been overwhelmed by numbers. But from subsequent investigation it appeared that the Indian warriors counted only from a thousand to fifteen hundred. But they fought with great desperation. Their leader, according to the received opinion, was Meshecunnaqua, or, the Little Turtle, a distinguished chief of the Miamis. He was also the leader of the Indians against General Harmar the year before. It is believed, however, that though nominally the commander-in-chief of the Indians on this occasion, he was greatly indebted both to the counsels and the prow-
* Marshall's Life of "Washington. For a ballad giving an account of this disastrous battle, see Appendix, No. VII.
+ Two years afterward, when the battle-ground was re-occupied by the army of Wayne, its appearance was most melancholy. "Within the space of about three hundred and fifty yards square were found five hundred skull bones, the most of which were collected and buried. For about five miles in the direction of the retreat of the army, the woods were strewn with skeletons and muskets. Two brass field pieces were found in a creek not far distant.-Drake's Book of the Indians.

ess of another and an older chief. One hundred and fifty of the Mohawk warriors were engaged in this battle; and General St. Clair probably died in ignorance of the fact, that one of the master-spirits against whom he contended, and by whom he was so signally defeated, was none other than JOSEPH BRANT-- THAYENDANEOEA.* How it happened that this distinguished chief, from whom so much had been expected as a peace maker, " thus suddenly and efficiently threw himself into a position of active hostility, unless he thought he saw an opening for reviving his project of a great north-western Confederacy, is a mystery which he is believed to have carried in his own bosom to the grave. The news of the decisive defeat of General St. Clair spread a gloom over the whole country-deepened by the mourning for the many noble spirits who had fallen. The panic that prevailed along the whole north-western border, extending from the confines of New-York to the estuary of the Ohio, was great beyond description. The inhabitants feared that the Indians, emboldened by success, and with greatly augmented numbers, would pour down upon them in clouds, and lay waste all the frontier settlements with the torch and the tomahawk, even if some modern Alaric of the forest did not lead his barbarians to the gates of Rome. Nor were these apprehensions by any means groundless. During the twelve months that followed the rout of St. Clair, the depredations of the savages became more furious and ferocious than over before; and some of the most tragical scenes recorded in history took place on the extended line
of the frontiers.+
* This interesting fact has been derived by the author from Thayendanegea's family. He has in vain sought for it in print. It is the circumstance of Brant's having been engaged in this battle, that prompted the author to give so full a narrative of the event, and the incidents attending it, in this place. It would seem that the government of the United States was sadly at fault as to the numbers and tribes of the Indians who fought this battle; and when, in the month of January, 1792, Captain Peter Pond and William Steedman were sent into the Indian country as messengers, it was a part of their instructions to obtain information upon these points-
Vide Indian State papers, vol. iv. p. 227.
+ Thatcher's Lives of the Indian Chiefs-Little Turtle. As an example, the author cites a well-authenticated case, occurring in what was then perhaps the most populous section of the west. The proprietor of a dwelling-house in Kentucky, whose name was Merrill, being alarmed by the barking of his dog, on going to the door received a fire from an assailing party of Indians, which broke his right leg and arm. They attempted to enter the house, but were anticipated in their move-
VOL. II. 21

There was another cause of disquietude. It was feared that, flushed with this defeat of a second expedition, even the five of the Six Nations who had concluded treaties with the United States, but of whose ultimate fidelity many grains of distrust had been entertained, would now grasp their hatchets, and rush to the ranks of the Miamis and their western allies. The most earnest appeals to the government for protection were therefore sent forward by the inhabitants of the border towns, to which a deaf ear could not be turned.

The popular clamor against St. Clair, in consequence of his disastrous defeat, was loud and deep. With the great mass of the people, it is success only that constitutes the general, and St. Clair had been unfortunate. The surrender of Ticonderoga in 1777, was an event which had occasioned great disappointment and dissatisfaction at rile time, and the recollection was revived, in connection with this signal reverse. But in neither instance did the fault lie at the door of the commanding General; Ticonderoga was evacuated because indefensible, and the battle lost by the cowardice of the militia. Fully conscious, himself, that no blame was justly attributable to him, General St. Clair applied to the President for an investigation by a court of inquiry. The request was denied, only for the reason that there were not officers enough in the service, of the requisite rank, to form a legal court for that purpose.+ Aware of the prejudices excited against
ment by Mrs. Merrill and her daughter, who closed the door so firmly as to keep them at bay. They next began to cut their way through the door, and succeeded in breaking an aperture, through which one of the warriors attempted to enter. The lady, however, was prepared for the event, and as he thrust his head within, she struck it open with an axe, and instantly drew his body into the house. His companions, not knowing the catastrophe, but supposing that he had worked his way through successfully, attempted one after another, lo follow. But Mrs. Merrill dealt a fatal blow upon every head that pushed itself through, until five warriors lay dead at her feet By this time the party without had discovered the fate of their more forward companions, and thought they would effect an entrance by a safer process a descent of the chimney. The contents of a feather-bed were instantly emptied upon the fire, creating a smoke so dense and purgent, as to bring two more warriors headlong down upon the hearth in a state of half-suffocation. The moment was critical, as the mother and daughter were guarding the door. The husband, however, by the assistance of his little son, though sorely maimed, managed to rid himself of those two unwelcome visitors by a billet of wood. Meantime the wife repelled another assault at the door-severely wounding another Indian ; whereupon the assailants relinquished the siege. For another highly interesting narrative of border sufferings in the Spring of 1793, see Appendix, No. VIII.
+ Letter of President "Washington to General St. Clair, March 28, 1792.

him in the public mind, the unfortunate General spontaneously announced his intention of resigning his commission, suggesting, however, that he should prefer retaining it until his conduct could be investigated in some way ; but as the military establishment at that time allowed only one Major General, and as the service required the speedy designation of a successor, this request was also denied, though with reluctance, by the President.* Complaints, it is true, were poured into the ears of the President against him. Among others, General John Armstrong, the hero of Kittaning, and an experienced Indian fighter in Pennsylvania, addressed a letter to the President, censuring the generalship of St. Clair.+ It is believed, however, that the veteran Governor of the North-western Territory continued in the full enjoyment of the President's confidence to the last.

The appointment of a successor to St. Clair as Commander in-chief of the army, was a source of no little perplexity to the President. His own inclinations were in favor of Governor Henry Lee of Virginia ; but it was apprehended that difficulties would arise in procuring the services of officers who had been his seniors in the army of the Revolution, as subordinates under him. There appear to have been several candidates, among whom were Generals Morgan and Scott, and Colonel Darke, who had served under St. Clair during the last campaign. Ultimately the appointment was conferred upon General Anthony Wayne. The selection was most unpopular in Virginia ; but
the result demonstrated its wisdom.++
* Letter of the President to General St. Clair, April 4,1792.
+ Sparks's Life and Correspondence of Washington, Vol. X, p. 223.
++ Governor Lee wrote to President Washington on the 15th of June, respecting the selection of a successor of General St. Clair at large, and on the subject of Wayne's appointment in particular, he said:-"You cannot be a stranger to the extreme disgust which the late appointment to the command of the army excited among all orders in this state." To this letter the President replied at length. The following paragraph contains the answer to the remark of Governor Lee given above:-" How far the appointment of General Wayne is a popular or an unpopular measure, is not for me to decide. It was not the determination of the moment, nor was it the effect of partiality or of influence ; for no application (if that-in any instance could have warped my judgment) was ever made in his behalf from any one who could have thrown the weight of a feather into his scale; but because, under a full view of all circumstances, he appeared most eligible. To a person of your observation and intelligence it is unnecessary to remark, that an appointment, which may be unpopular in one place and with one set of men, may not he so in another place or with another set of men, and vice versa; and that to attempt

Rufus Putnam, a son of the veteran of Bunker Hill, who had served with credit in the war of the Revolution, and who had settled in the North-western Territory soon after the close of that contest, was appointed a brigadier-general, to serve with Wayne. This appointment was tendered to Colonel Willett of New-York, but declined by that gentleman upon the ground of conscientious scruples with regard to fighting the Indians. " It has been uniformly my opinion," said the Colonel in a letter to the President, " that the United States ought to avoid an Indian war. I have generally conceived this to be our wisest policy. The reasons alleged in support of the present Indian war have never brought conviction to my mind. From my knowledge and experience of these people, I am clear that it is not a difficult thing to preserve peace with them. That there are bad men among them, and that these will at times do acts which deserve punishment, is very clear. But I hold, that to go to war is not the proper way to punish them. Most of the Indians that I have had any knowledge of, are conceited and vain. By feeding their vanity, you gain their good opinion; and this in time procures their esteem and affection. By conciliating their good-will, you will render them susceptible of almost any impression. They are credulous, yet suspicious. They think a great deal; and have in general good notions of right and wrong. They frequently exhibit proofs of grateful minds ; yet they are very revengeful. And though they are not free from chicanery and intrigue, yet if their vanity is properly humored, and they are dealt justly by, it is no difficult matter to come to reasonable terms with them. The intercourse I have had with these people, the treatment I have myself received from them, and which I have known others to receive, make me an advocate for them. To fight with them, would be the last thing I should desire. And yet, Sir, I declare, from the experience I have had, I do not conceive it difficult to beat them when brought to action. When in small " parties they scatter themselves along a frontier, they have al-
to please every body is the sure way to please nobody ; because the attempt would be as idle as the exertion would be impracticable. General Wayne has many good points as an officer, and it is to be hoped that time, reflection, good advice, and, above all, a due sense of the importance of the trust which is committed to him, will correct his foibles or cast a shade over them."

ways been found exceedingly troublesome and dangerous. This kind of warfare is their forte ; and in it they are found to be truly tremendous. But when they attempt any thing in large bodies, I have found, notwithstanding their great dexterity in the wilderness, and the advantage they usually derive from the admirable position they take, that they are easily beat. In marching through woods, where troops are exposed to attacks from Indians, particular attention should be paid not only to the mode and line of march, but also to extend small parties and single men far on the flanks in front and in rear. But whenever a serious attack is made, which is usually furious, an instantaneous charge, with huzzaing sufficiently loud to drown the noise the Indians make, will never fail to repel them. And this stroke repeated and pursued, will, I am well convinced, terminate in victory. And yet victory even over Indians is generally paid for : but defeats are terrible. The honour, however, of fighting and beating Indians, is what I do not aspire after. If in any way I could be instrumental in effecting and maintaining peace with them, it would be a source of great gratification."